Author: mopress

  • Ramsey Muniz Speaks

    By Greg

    Moses

    CounterPunch

    Winter takes the

    color away, but people put up lights. In my own cul de sac of the global village, the light show this

    year is fantastic. We have colors like I’ve never seen, electric deer that raise their lit-up heads,

    candy canes, icicles, y mas santas. At night the frozen ground glows in magical grace. With hope, we

    have electrified a dying world.

    Where does this spirit come from? If you think it

    comes from Jesus, I get it. If you prefer a pagan yule tide, I get that, too. My own favorite story

    for this season of lights belongs to Africa, where the Nile River once rose and fell. By x-mas time

    each year, the water had fallen low, but the low ebb of the river was matched by the high hope of

    Horus, the baby born of Holy Mother Isis and Green God Osiris, each and every December

    25.

    Whether the water is low or the snow is high, x-mas in El Norte finds us asking

    metaphysical questions. Will we believe in the returns of Spring? Stake our cheer on nothing but the

    future? Or feed our fear on everything we see around us?

    For Ramsey Muniz on x-mas, it

    is neither low water nor high snow. For Ramsey, and so many with him, it is thick walls that must be

    hoped through. If he had to do it all over again, says Ramsey in an interview with Rolando Garza,

    he’d rather not run for Governor of Texas. He’d rather serve as minister of cultura for his beloved

    party, La Raza Unida.

    Cultura. Familia. And most important, says Ramsey, is

    Love.

    “Let us celebrate the birth of this historic spiritual man whose destiny was to

    change the entire world,” writes Ramsey from Leavenworth prison. The email comes from his esposa,

    Irma. “It is not about a white Christmas. It is about accepting the truth of faith, charity, love,

    forgiveness, and spirituality. We are in the midst of a world spiritual evolution and those who open

    their hearts with patience and understanding will witness the resurrection of spiritual power which is

    greater than any other power in the world.”

    Although he says nothing directly about her

    in this message, Ramsey’s voice reminds me who else is looking out. The Lady of Guadalupe, her

    resplendent image watching from the East. She is mother to all the children of Aztlan, and it would

    take a soul made from dry husk not to thank her that you live at this glowing cul de sac while Ramsey

    Muniz is locked up in Leavenworth.

    If the best things come from prison, as Ramsey says,

    then in what way do the best things exist, and why do the power-fools of this earth lock the best

    things away? In solitary confinement, Ramsey encountered a vision of Ricardo Flores Magón, and, having

    nothing more urgent at hand, they talked. Was it the same cell where Magon had been beaten to death in

    1922, four years into his fourth imprisonment? Magon had coined the slogan, “Land and Liberty.” In

    his journal, Regeneration, he reminded Mechika readers that “emancipation of the workers must be the

    work of the workers themselves.”

    At the Irish anarchist website, struggle, they say “No

    Gods, No Masters.” If you think the spirit belongs to this slogan, I get that, too. On x-mas day,

    the point is never to be caught without the spirit that takes you through the low water

    times.

  • Forty Faxes and a Whisper: Texas Election Scandal

    By Greg Moses


    Dissident Voice
    / Portside / IndyMedia NorthTexas / CounterPunch / CraigsList

    “As I look back

    over the General Election held on Nov. 2, 2004, I know that voting is a ‘right’ that is being taken

    away everyday,” writes Brenda Denson-Prince. But she is not writing about far away places like Ohio

    or Florida. She is writing about her own attempt to become the first woman in Kaufman County, Texas to

    sit on the County Commissioners Court. On the day after Christmas, Denson-Prince faxes me forty

    pages.

    For the past three years the 50-year-old Texas native studied up for the position of

    County Commissioner by going to meetings. And she recruited the outgoing Commissioner, Ivan Johnson,

    to be her campaign manager. In the Democratic primary, she won handily. And right up to ten o’clock

    on election night, she felt pretty good about her chances. That’s about the time she says she left

    Democratic Party headquarters in the town of Kaufman to return home to Terrell. With virtually all

    nine voting boxes counted, she was about 200 votes ahead.

    “Y’all better get back over

    here,” is what Terry Crow told Ivan Johnson over the telephone not too long after ten o’clock.

    “They’re about to steal the election away from Brenda.” Johnson was watching the phone at the

    Denson-Prince campaign headquarters in Terrell. So Johnson called Denson-Prince, they hopped in their

    cars, and sometime between 10:30 and 11:00 that night, they walked through the back door of the Kaufman

    County courthouse annex, where the votes had been counted.

    “In the hall, there was the

    election administrator,” recalls Denson-Prince. “She said, ‘Brenda, it’s a tie, so you can flip a

    coin if you want to.’” Denson-Prince would prefer to keep it off the record what she said in reply

    to that flip remark.

    “Did you say, ‘God bless you’?” I ask Denson-Prince over the

    telephone on the day after Christmas. Her voice over the past two months has been reduced to a bare

    whisper. She spent Christmas weekend in bed. “No, I didn’t say that,” answers Denson-Prince in a

    whisper of pure air and electricity. “I said what are you talking about, a tie?” According to the

    official returns, each candidate had received 2,867 votes.

    “Come out here and explain,”

    said the administrator to an assistant. Between the two of them, who both seemed pretty nervous,

    Denson-Prince caught the words “glitch” and “disk.”

    “Deja-Vote,” hollered the

    headline in Wednesday morning’s Terrell Tribune. “A computer software glitch is being blamed for

    controversy that occurred Tuesday night as ballots were being counted by Kaufman County election

    officials,” began the story.

    “The problem occurred when data taken from one counting

    machine to another computer for collating became corrupted. The data roughly doubled the amount of

    votes counted for several precincts, according to Kaufman County information technology director George

    York.” A two-column photo of York showed him testing a ballot-counting machine on Wednesday

    morning.

    When Denson-Prince returned to the courthouse Wednesday morning with Justice of

    the Peace James Williams, the election administrator assured Denson-Prince that a recount could be

    requested at a cost of about $2,000.

    Meanwhile another story in that day’s Tribune

    reported Ohio-length voting delays. At Bethlehem Baptist Church (voting box 26) lines were said to be

    45-minutes long, owing to van-loads of enthusiastic young voters from nearby Southwestern Christian

    College.

    By the end of the day, reported the paper (quoting Election Judge Russell

    Jones) there were “366 voters” at Bethlehem Baptist. The paper did not explain why at 10:09 p.m.

    that night, only 360 ballots appeared in the official, computerized tally for box 26, a precinct that

    Denson-Prince won handily, with 94 percent of the vote. On the most recent count of box 26, says

    Kaufman County Democratic Chair George Lawshe in a Dec. 7 email, there were 342 voters and 361

    ballots.

    “I can not think of any reason for this,“ concludes Lawshe in his discussion of

    box 26, “other than the obvious thought that we would rather not think could happen.”

    The

    Terrell Tribune also missed a little drama that took place outside Bethlehem Baptist Church on election

    day. According to Election Judge Jones, in a signed statement, there was this husband of a Republican

    poll watcher who was hanging around the entrance to the Church for at least an hour, well within the

    100 foot marker that designates a safe space for voters. This Republican husband challenged the

    presence of an exit pollster and generally became such a nuisance that Jones called the police. By the

    time the police arrived, the Republican husband had departed, but not before apologizing to Jones for

    the behavior that had compelled Jones to leave his rightful post overseeing the election inside the

    Church (at box 26).

    Thursday morning, Nov. 4, Denson-Prince presented a cashier’s check

    for $2,000 to cover the cost of a hand count. But recounts could only be ordered by the County Judge,

    and he was out of town. Weekend news was about military ballots that had been mailed out but not yet

    returned. Indeed, one ballot showed up, but the voter skipped the commissioner’s race. So the tie

    lasted one full week.

    On Nov. 9 Denson-Prince composed a comprehensive open-records

    request. She wanted to see a written explanation for the tabulation error that had reversed her

    comfortable lead on election night, as well as all write-in ballots for president, provisional ballots

    that had been rejected, and printouts of tabulations per box. On Nov. 28 she appealed her request to

    the Texas Attorney General.

    On Wednesday morning, Nov. 10, Joan D. Neeley represented

    the Democratic Party at a sorting of early ballots. Of 30,000 votes cast in Kaufman County, 16,000

    were early votes.

    “We kept noticing ballots in the wrong piles [voting boxes] as we

    continued through our process and because of this we all decided we would double check each pile

    [voting box] for accuracy after sorting was complete,” noted Neeley in a signed statement, dated Nov.

    16. But according to Neeley’s statement, the double-checking was never completed. It was interrupted

    on Nov. 10, and when on Nov. 12 Neeley requested a resumption, she was informed that a court order

    would be needed to break the seals on remaining boxes.

    Prior to the electronic recount,

    Denson-Prince released her letter to the Texas NAACP. “I as an African American female, do not feel

    that my rights were protected,” wrote Denson-Prince. “I feel that I have been discriminated

    against.” Her letter to the Texas NAACP was reported as top story in the Kaufman Tribune for Nov. 12.

    But the story never leaked out of the county, and as far as I can tell, the newspaper does not make

    some of these stories available online.

    Saturday’s headline was matter of fact. The

    electronic recount had found 2,870 votes for Denson-Prince and 2,873 for her Republican opponent.

    Meanwhile, Saturday’s hand count yielded six more votes for Denson-Prince (2,876) and six for her

    opponent, too (2,879). When commissioners met Monday morning, Nov. 15, Denson-Prince’s campaign

    manager approved the canvassed vote. Denson-Prince had lost by three votes.

    What’s

    surprising to me at this point is the apparent lack of support or attention being given to Denson-

    Prince by powers outside of Kaufman County. Last year at this time, two of the four Commissioners for

    Kaufman County were Democrats. Next week, if nothing cha
    nges, there will be none.

    On

    Dec. 15, Denson-Prince filed suit in the Kaufman County District Court of Republican Judge Howard

    Tygrett.

    “During the final recount,” alleges the suit, the election judge miscounted

    two ballots, failing to give Denson-Prince one more vote, and failing to take one vote away from her

    opponent. Adding one vote to Denson-Prince while taking one from her opponent would close the race to

    one vote.

    Then there is the matter of Mrs. Bertha Maye Malone, who was informed by a

    letter postmarked Nov. 2 that her mail-in ballot would not be counted because it lacked a proper

    signature on the envelope.

    “The voter, her daughter, and husband are ready to swear that

    Mrs. Bertha Malone signed her ballot but might have been signed with pencil included with ballot,”

    says Denson-Prince. This is why she asked to see the discarded early votes in her open records request

    of Nov. 9, and why she is not giving up. Would examination of Mrs. Malone’s envelope yield evidence of

    erasure, in the way that Denson-Prince discovered erased ballots during the hand count?

    “Oh, the voters bring erasers with them,” is what Denson-Prince was told when she asked how erased

    ballots were possible when the balloting pencils have no erasers.

    By this time, the

    whisper of Denson-Prince over the telephone is too much to bear. I keep apologizing for making her

    talk as I go box by box over the Nov. 2 results, and she keeps answering in the most deliberate, polite

    manner possible. I keep thinking, this woman was born in the year of Brown v.

    Board.

    Denson-Prince lives in a Southern town that is cut in half by an East-West

    railroad. She lives at the Southern tip of the Southern half, and she wins the boxes on the South side

    of the tracks (5, 26, 34). Her opponent lives at the northern tip of the northern half. And he wins

    the boxes on that side of the tracks (7, 19, 38). Three rural boxes to the East (6, 8, 9) draw upon a

    population that is 88 percent white and which go for the Republican, although Denson-Prince out-

    performs Kerry in two of the three rural boxes. After fifty years of struggle, is democracy in America

    still about living on the other side of the tracks?

    I haven’t mentioned some other

    things that are mentioned in the faxes, for instance, the ballot that was “whited out” (who knows

    how). Or the “electrical work” that was going on in the ceiling above voting booths 1, 2, and 3 on

    election day at the Terrell Sub-Courthouse, 408 E. College St. Or the delay reported by Denson-

    Prince’s campaign rep, who reports waiting from 10 o’clock until 10:30, but who left before the tie

    was announced. Or the peculiar coincidence reported by Terry Crow who saw a district judge enter the

    counting room on election night just before the “glitch” was reversed and the commissioner election

    tied. Does a coincidence like that have any bearing on which judge gets to hear the lawsuit filed by

    Denson-Prince?

    There’s a whole lot this little story can’t tell you about democracy in

    America today. But we can listen to the whisper of Brenda Denson-Prince, and we can read her

    faxes:

    “The responsible individuals that we have placed in authority to watch over the

    elections to make sure voting is held in an orderly process just makes me really ashamed of being a

    United States citizen when I see such abuse and abnormalities allowed to go unquestioned or

    investigated.”

    NOTE:

    PDF files of all faxes are available at the Downloads

    section of the Texas Civil Rights Review. Mirror sites welcome for this article and the

    files.

    Corrected 12/27 3pm: References to newspaper articles are to the

    Terrell Tribune, not Kaufman Herald. Terry Crow fixed in first reference.–

    ed

  • CounterPunch Reader Asks about Civil Rights

    Q: I read your article in Counterpunch. Some

    questions:

    Was Bethlehem Church pct. primarily black? And were the college
    students

    voting there primarily black? Were the county commissioner
    elections district-based, or at-large?

    As I recollect, county
    commissioners elections in Texas are always district-based. If so,
    was

    Denson-Prince running from the most heavily black district? Were
    there other black county

    commissioners elected previously? What is
    the overall black % in Kaufman County? How many of the

    elected
    commissioners were Democrats?

    I ask these questions because, depending on the

    answers, there may be
    grounds for a voting rights suit claiming racial

    gerrymandering.

    As regards the claim of vote fraud, it sounds, well, somewhat

    plausible. But the existence of racial harassment–the Republican
    (and presumably white) poll

    watcher making a nuisance of himself at a
    precinct that may be a black precinct–is pretty clear

    evidence of
    racial intimidation of the kind that could be useful in a racial
    gerrymandering

    lawsuit.

    A: Yes, yes, the church, the college, and the
    boxes south of

    the tracks are all predominantly black.
    And a white Republican will now replace a black
    Democrat

    in the Northeast Commissioner’s seat, leaving the
    four-man commissioner’s court not only free of

    Democrats,
    but also free of black representation. Retiring Ivan Johnson
    is African American.

    Census 2000 QuickFacts for Kaufman County report 11.5 percent African American. Here are some

    details:

    Going by the 2000 census tracts, the South Terrell
    area is 88 percent black (tract

    505, voting boxes 26,
    34, 5). These boxes went heavily for Denson-Prince,
    all others went for

    her white opponent.

    North of the tracks, the west side: 70 percent white,
    10 percent

    black, and 16 percent Hispanic (census
    tract 503, voting boxes 38 & 19).

    North of the

    tracks, on the east side: 63 percent
    white, 9 percent black, and 25 percent Hispanic
    (census

    tract 504, voting box 7).

    Then we have the rural boxes in the northeast county:
    88

    percent white, 5 percent black, 7 percent Hispanic
    (census tract 506, voting boxes 6, 8, and

    9).

  • Eyewitness to a Kick

    [Editor’s Note: One month ago, the following letter was submitted to the Austin American Statesman

    by Texas Civil Rights Review Associate Editor, Tony Gallucci. See further correspondence with the

    Austin City Manager below.–gm]

    Austin American-Statesman
    28 November

    2004

    Editor:

    This latest followup story on the Austin Police Department

    comes at a conflicted time for me with regards to a recent incident I witnessed involving the

    department. I have a lot to say.

    I live 2+ hours outside of Austin, but visit frequently

    (2-3 times a month) for professional and recreational reasons. On a visit a couple of weeks ago I was

    waiting on Sixth Street to unload equipment. A man was asleep/passed out in the portal of a closed club

    within a few feet of where I was waiting.
    He appeared to have not bathed or changed clothes in some

    time. Judge that as you may.

    While I was waiting, a police car stopped in the street on

    Sixth, the overhead lights were turned on, and two officers emerged from the vehicle and approached the

    man. One of the officers walked up to him and kicked him in the leg. This was neither a nudge to awake,

    nor a tentative touch to avoid contact with the obviously dirty man. It was a kick. I heard

    it.

    Simultaneously, the second officer walked to near the man’s head. There was a can of beer

    in a paper sack next to his head. This officer put his foot on the top edge of the can and tipped it

    over spilling it on the man’s face. That awoke the man, and the second officer said “Oh, I’m so sorry”

    with a strongly condescending tone. The man sat up, picked the can up and set it upright. The first

    officer said, “Get the hell out of here.” The man stood up and left without saying a

    word.

    I was stunned. And momentarily speechless. ‘Who do I call,’ was my first internal

    reaction. ‘The police?’ I thought. This was the police. Finally I said to the officers, “I resent what

    you just did. It was inhuman and uncalled for.” I was told I could leave too. Then they got in their

    car and drove away.

    I have battled with myself over this for the last couple of weeks. I

    have friends in several PDs, including APD, good cops, who I do not want to either offend or denigrate,

    however, I must, to start, counter the ‘we all got in this because we wanted to save the world’ tone of

    AAS published letters from policemen. I know plenty who would tell you themselves, even though they all

    consider themselves part of a noble profession today, that they grew into that, that the reasons they

    became cops to begin with were not often quite so noble – they needed jobs to pay mortgages, they did

    not succeed in their intended professions, the money was good, they were shiftless and lost, their

    cousin talked them into it, or they came from military service ill-prepared for re-immersion in the

    “real” world.

    Unfortunately, most people realize this about police – only they

    themselves seem to think this self-justification reconciles something with the public. In fact, we do

    not need such such shallow apologetics in order to appreciate the dangerous work they do, nor their

    initiative in doing so.

    So, partly because of friends, partly to avoid being labeled

    ‘anti’ anything I’m not, I tried to let this incident pass. I find myself unable to, because even

    though it does not involve deadly force, it spoke volumes to me about an inherent attitude that I

    believe can lead to excessive behavior by some police.

    I thought about complaining to APD

    but knew neither cops’ name nor that of the man, and figured it would be fruitless. I realize now that

    I should have asked for their names. Should’ve, would’ve, could’ve, didn’t. Being out of town made it

    seem less likely I could do whatever would be necessary to see a complaint through, if a complaint

    would even be considered on something I fear would likely be dismissed as trivial. It was, and is,

    not.

    I did enough research into this to have run across Austin’s recent ranking as one of

    the “ten meanest cities in America,” the only Texas city in the top ten, or twenty. It recurs to me:

    What if a policeman had been standing where I was and some fraternity student had walked up and kicked

    that man the same way. I imagine that guy would be in jail for assault. What’s the difference? Is the

    badge a legitimate difference?

    I know this: I lost respect for those cops that night,

    and by extension for Austin cops, as that kind of intimidation and humiliation must be regular

    practice, if not policy. After all, it was in full public view, not administered Hollywood-style in

    some alleyway or dank interrogation room. Moreover, I felt at the time that it was a kind of blatant

    showing off for the few of us there to witness it. A kind of ‘Look, we’re taking care of you, the

    public, when we kick this guy and treat him like this.’

    Maybe I grew up in an America

    that doesn’t exist anymore, where we learned something about right and wrong even if we weren’t perfect

    about practicing it, and expected certain folks – police, say – to be the ultimate representatives and

    models of that; maybe I idealistically believe that cops are still supposed to be the good guys; maybe

    inside I want to believe that, though I know there are bad-apple cops, for the most part they are good

    -hearted, All-American types, with families and mortgages, and a personal American dream that includes

    the melting-pot world we are.

    But now, here are the very guys who, because of their

    appointed or chosen rounds in the more difficult areas of town, have to be the most professional, the

    most disciplined of all, and instead, at least on this one evening (about 7 p.m. on an off-night, with

    few people on Sixth), they exhibited the very type of arrogant disdain for humanity that gains all cops

    a bad reputation, the kind difficult to dispel or disprove, the kind that, institutionalized, by itself

    can lead to that very above the law culture that results in hardcore disparities in racial treatment,

    the overuse of force, even rogue units.

    Or am I mistaken? Do police, in fact, get to

    choose who to treat as human? Do they get to use force against sleeping drunken people as if they were

    breaking up a brawl of drunken college students? I don’t actually believe they’d break up a drunken

    brawl by kicking them in the legs anyway – that would require ‘use of force’ reports that would be

    difficult to explain.

    I wonder too, if being a cop in a high-profile “under-the-

    microscope” setting such as Sixth Street doesn’t lend itself to some over-strutting by individual

    police, some displays of machismo for the sake of effect that aren’t escalating in and of themselves. I

    am reminded of the hardcore California police unit that made such bravado of their starring turn on

    their own hit TV show only to be disbanded in the wake of abuse scandals. Some of that stuff looks

    great on TV, but it’s over the top on the street, where perceptions are made and communities are won

    over or lost.

    I am thankful for the Austin American-Statesman’s article (and series)

    which I have come across somewhat in retrospect here. It was timely for me, and lent some encouragement

    for reporting what I saw, if only in forum.

    I see the city’s concern with the analysis of

    statistics here, and it’s somewhat founded (though some of their critiques of problems with AAS

    reporting are due to some rather inane reporting methods on the part of APD itself), even though their

    own analysis says virtually the same thing no matter how rosy a hue they try to paint it with. And yet,

    there remains the strong flavor of continued defiance of the need to understand policing and community

    relations throughout the letters and statements issued by city functionaries. Some of their notes have

    a quality to them akin to ‘We would
    d
    o so much better a job of policing Austin if only there weren’t so

    many minority people here . . . and we’re working on it.’

    I doubt the situation I

    witnessed was described on any “use of force” reports since it did not result in an arrest. I imagine

    the lack of an arrestee takes care of the ‘just in case’ commander-speak. That man however had no less

    than a police-administered bruise when he walked away. And yet has he no less than a right to police

    protection and respect as a citizen regardless of how unfavorably those individual cops regard him? Or,

    one wonders, does he ‘deserve’ what he got? How many times does that go on, unreported, daily,

    weekly?

    When the city fails to understand the frustrations of minorities, and explains

    away racial disparity as a consequence of where they are called to and who’s involved (using numbers of

    white arrestees outside high-dollar white-college clubs as rationale indeed), it comes from failing to

    recognize that a prime ingredient in any confrontation has to do with the attitude in which an officer

    approaches it. Is it to defuse? Or is it to “win” as one officer described it? Is it with trepidation,

    or the ‘realization,’ that an encounter with a minority will necessarily lead to some greater

    confrontation, or are all subjects approached alike? Do cultural fears and insecurities cause

    escalation by themselves?

    Were it only possible to have a video camera on every cop’s

    shoulder to record their attitudes and how they are initially perceived by the subjects . . . but

    that’s Big Brother turning the tables, isn’t it? Barring that, we must ultimately rely instead on the

    humanity of the officers involved – their recognition that guaranteeing human life, its liberty and

    pursuit of happiness, unharmed, unhumiliated, is their mission here, not the cleaning of the streets,

    not the protecting of special interests, not the bust, nor the adrenaline, nor the brotherhood’s

    circling of the wagons, but ultimately the people, flesh and blood, black, white, brown, red, drunk or

    sober, passed out or dishing out $50 tips, straight or gay or in-between, distraught and beside

    themselves or saying “yes sir, no sir, thank you sir.”

    Protecting victims, it will be

    pointed out, is a legitimate concern, but who knows who the victims are until everything has been

    sorted out, post-confrontation, post-humiliation, post-force, perhaps post-trial? Only the officers

    themselves know themselves inside. But when the public cries out for sensitivity and cultural awareness

    training, this is what they’re saying, and saying out loud. Maybe some in the ‘profession’ should do

    more soul-searching, or someone else should focus on hiring cops who are capable and willing to treat

    their jobs as what they are: service to the people they are sworn to protect, every single one of them.

    In my mind that means treating human beings as something not subhuman regardless of their failings and

    background. But in all too many of the series responses it seems that “service” to a policeman means

    something quite different and for a stricter constituency than it does to those of us being

    served.

    Unfortunately my recent experience has left the worst of tastes in my mouth. I

    don’t know if what they did is professionally considered ‘professional’ or not. If it is then I’d have

    to reconsider considering the job itself a profession.

    In this polarized time, with fears

    of overreaching in the context of security, with diminution of our civil rights clearly at hand, with

    fears of Big-Brotherly type technologies washing across the country, and new techniques to accomplish

    these things disclosed daily, our only hope is that police themselves have not just the discipline, but

    the humanity, the heart, to resist the abuses so clearly enabled recently. We really have nothing else

    to hold onto. Collectively it puts our trust of government, and by extension its enforcers, on tenuous

    footing. If police desire or require our respect, then they must be willing to exhibit that they are,

    indeed, willing to be our servants and treat us all in the manner in which they wish to be treated. It

    looks to me as though APD is failing even while it is “making progress.” Why else the parade of

    denials, revamped numbers, rationalizations, re-analyses, and insistences.

    Sadly, the

    next time someone regales me with a story about the hard life of beat cops, or their professionalism in

    the cause, or how few tools they have to do the job, I’ll know they may be right, but I’m going to

    remember watching policemen kicking and humiliating a sleeping, nonviolent man on the streets of

    Austin, one of the “meanest cities in America.” It’s what’s freshest in my mind.

    Tony

    Gallucci
    Kerrville
    humboldtiana # hotmail * com

    cc: Austin Police

    Department
    Police Monitor
    Austin Mayor
    Austin City Manager
    Byron LaMasters,

    BurntOrangeReport
    Greg Moses, editor, Texas Civil Rights Review


    Reply

    from Austin City Manager
    Subject: RE: Austin police conduct
    Date: Wed, 1 Dec 2004

    21:14:13 -0600

    Tony,

    I was going to ask your permission to forward this

    email to our Police Monitor’s Office for follow up, but got the end and found that you had already

    copied the Police Monitor. The Police Monitor’s Office reports directly to me and is the

    administrative arm of our civilian oversight process of police conduct. The behavior you describe is

    neither indicative nor condoned by our department and I have taken the liberty to make sure our Police

    Chief, Stan Knee; our Police Monitor, Ashton Cumberbatch; and our Assistant City Manager over Public

    Safety, Rudy Garza; all have a copy of your email for follow up and investigation. Thank you for

    sharing your experience.

    Toby Hammett Futrell
    City Manager
    Austin,

    Texas


    Dec. 2, 2004

    Hi,

    Thank you very much for

    your followup on this. In fact, Lt. Richardson of Downtown Patrol Command contacted me within a few

    hours of my sending the letter asking for more details. I could provide little more, but was gratified

    that an effort was being made. I appreciate also the indication of effort being made by yourself.

    Perhaps something to prevent further such incidents will come from this after

    all.

    Sincerely,
    tony gallucci