Author: mopress

  • Time to Remember Texas Professor Oliver C. Cox

    [Quote: Wiley College Professor Oliver C.] Cox did not dismiss racism among working-

    class whites. He argued that “the observed overt competitive antagonism is produced and carefully

    maintained by the exploiters of both the poor whites and the Negroes.” He recognized that elite whites

    defined the matrix within which non-elite whites crafted their political agency, and he emphasized the

    ruling-class foundations of racism as part of his critique of the liberal scholars of race relations

    who theorized race relations without regard to capitalist political economy and class dynamics.[end

    quote, Adolph Reed’s Introduction to the Monthly Review edition of “Race”–part three of Cox’s

    masterwork, “Caste, Class, and Race” see “Web Links” or additional quote below.] Cox’s

    perspective goes right to the heart of how we should try to understand race by encouraging us to move

    beyond categories for defining and sorting supposedly discrete human populations, beyond concepts of

    racial hierarchies, and beyond racist ideologies—all components of a singular, indivisible unholy

    trinity—and instead recognize that race is the product of social relations within history and political

    economy.

  • Jan. 2004 Site Announcement Archive

    Jan. 2004

    On De-Segregation and Civil

    Rights at A&M

    Welcome. This site has a working thesis:

    the Texas A&M University Board of Regents, as party to an on-going de-segregation plan, should respect

    its own civil rights responsibilities and restore affirmative action in admissions to the Texas A&M

    campus.
    With respect to this thesis, it is widely doubted that Texas A&M has any civil rights

    responsibilties when it comes to affirmative action in the admissions process. But if this is true for

    Texas A&M, while it is party to a de-segregation plan, then what role does affirmative action play?

    David Skrentny’s work shows that affirmative action was devised by civil rights

    enforcement agencies who otherwise would have been left with only the tool of case complaints–a

    procedure that will leave with you a higher stack of complaints each day. Without a tool for adjusting

    “institutional” behavior, civil rights cannot be adequately enforced. Without affirmative action,

    then, how else are civil rights to be e m nforced?

    Everyone forgets that Texas

    A&M was the first campus in Texas to adopt affirmative action as a show of “good faith” that was

    supposed to signify a commitment to self-responsibility for de-segregation. As a result, Texas was

    allowed to negotiate its own de-segregation plan.

    If, 22 years later, the state

    higher education system is still not de-segregated, then what does the unilateral revocation of

    affirmative action signify?

    The suspension of numerical goals cannot signify that

    Texas A&M needs to abolish affirmative action in order to free the admissions process to consider each

    applicant “for who they are rather than what they are,” because if it were necessary to abolish

    affirmative action in order to achieve “individual consideration,” then affirmative action would not

    have survived its fierce and persistent cons :So what is Texas A&M saying about any of its students

    who have been admitted under affirmative action? That they were never invited as individuals, but only

    as “whats”?

    In short, the decision by Texas A&M violates its own “good faith” sign

    of self-responsibility, ignores constitutional law, and demeans the very process of affirmative action

    as a responsible civil rights policy wherever de-segregation persists.

    With miraculous

    pitching, the abolition of numerical goals was spun as a “diversity initiative.” But how can this

    be?

    If what Texas A&M did last year is not illegal, it should be. It presents an

    intolerable civil rights environment when state agencies (in Texas or any other state), while operating

    under a de-segregation plan, can allow site administrators to suspend their commitments to numerical

    goals.

    True, no one expects excellence in civil rights from Texas A&M. But these low

    expectations of the College Station campus in Texas may fool us into agreeing to something more than

    letting A&M be A&M. Without numerical goals, how are the civil rights of de-segregation to be

    pursued?

    If desegregation requires no numerical goals, then what does?

    Greg Moses
    Site Editor
    gmosesx@prodigy.net

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  • LULAC: Return Ramsey Muniz to Texas and Commute His Sentence

    National Ramsey Defense Alliance
    PMB 216 5403 Everhart Rd.
    Corpus Christi, TX 78411

    October 8, 2007

    Dear Senators and Congressmen:

    Enclosed please find a resolution adopted by the League of United Latin American Citizens at the 78th LULAC National Convention in Chicago, Illinois. The resolution establishes LULAC’s position on a major issue impacting Hispanic/Latino/Chicano communities, and it pertains to the need for humanitarian assistance for Ramiro “Ramsey” Muñiz.

    We seek your support acting on behalf of Mr. Muñiz. Keep in mind that this is not a partisan or a local/regional issue. We are requesting nation-wide assistance from Democrats and Republicans alike at all levels of government. Mr. Muñiz made great contributions to his fellow man, and you can learn more about his contributions by visiting our website at http://www.freeramsey.com.

    We ask that your forward the enclosed resolution and a personal letter to President George W. Bush and members of the House and Senate who are in positions to request an investigation into this case. Mr. Muñiz has suffered greatly for many years and he merits everyone’s assistance.

    On behalf of the National Ramsey Defense Alliance we thank you in advance for your involvement in this humanitarian issue.

    MUÑIZ RESOLUTION

    Advocating that Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz be transferred back to Texas and be given a commutation of sentence.

    WHEREAS, Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz is a native of Corpus Christi, Texas and

    WHEREAS, Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz contributed greatly to the Chicano Civil Rights Movement during the 1970s as a leader fighting for justice and equality for all Mexican Americans, Hispanics, and Latinos throughout the United States; and

    WHEREAS, Mr. Ramiro R . Muñiz was a Texas gubernatorial candidate for La Raza Unida Party – a political party established and developed for the advancement of Mexican Americans, Hispanics, and Latinos; and

    WHEREAS, Mr. Ramiro R . Muñiz’ efforts and contributions made for Mexican Americans, Latinos and Hispanics are recognized and fully noted as part of American history; and

    WHEREAS, Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz is serving a term of life without parole and is assigned to remain in El Reno, Oklahoma where he is currently held; and

    WHEREAS, Judicial records for Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz were left uncorrected, making him subject to the three strikes sentencing guidelines which are unconstitutional and inhumane; and

    WHEREAS, LULAC resolutions passed in 2006 were successful, as they resulted in the transfer of Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz to Three Rivers Federal Correctional Institution in Texas on December 11, 2006. Six months later, extremely discriminatory actions were taken against his person by having him transferred out of the state of Texas once again; and

    WHEREAS, Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz has been a model prisoner for the past 13 years should have been housed near his family in Three Rivers, Texas as recommended by Federal Judge Paul Brown during his trial in 1994; and

    THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED that the National League of United Latin American Citizens build support and unity to take administrative, legal, and political action for the immediate transfer of Mr. Ramiro R. Muñiz to a low level institution in Texas, and request a Commutation of Sentence for his immediate release.