Author: mopress

  • Statement on Murano Transition

    Email from the office of attorney Darryl Carter, of Glickman, Carter & Bachynsky, LLP, in Houston:

    In response to requests for comments on Dr. Murano’s Transition Agreement with the University, which was approved today by the A&M Board of Regents, we are providing the statement below from Mr. Carter:

    “Dr. Murano was committed to a quick and constructive resolution of this matter. The transition agreement reflects our recognition of the intentions of the Chancellor and the Board of Regents. The agreement also recognizes Dr. Murano’s exemplary service and continuing commitment to Texas A&M. She remains grateful for the expressions of support and loyalty that she has received from faculty, staff, current and former students, and friends of the University.”

    Editor’s Note: The AP reports that “Murano will return to the faculty under an agreement reached with the university. She will take a year off while collecting her salary of $425,000, and will be paid an additional $295,000.

    “After accepting Murano’s resignation, regents approved A&M administrator Bowen Loftin as interim president. Loftin is the vice president and chief executive officer at A&M’s campus in Galveston, which was battered by Hurricane Ike last year.”

  • Archive: Murano Resignation and Reply

    Essential documents for the Sunday resignation of the first Woman and the first Hispanic President of Texas A&M University at College Station.–gm

    OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT

    Statement from Texas A&M President Elsa A. Murano

    “The events of recent weeks have been very taxing for the entire Aggie family. The faculty, students and staff have demonstrated incredible loyalty to this institution, upholding our Aggie values during these exceedingly trying times. I am truly grateful for the countless expressions of support that I have received from our faculty, staff, current and former students, and friends of Texas A&M. I cannot adequately express how much I have appreciated your many letters, phone calls, emails, and especially your prayers. They have been truly uplifting and I thank you from the bottom of my heart.

    “My husband Peter and I fell in love with Texas A&M the moment we set foot in Aggieland back in 1995. This deep and abiding passion for what the university represents, and for the people of the Aggie family, reinforces my duty to do what is best for Texas A&M. For this reason, I will be resigning as President of our beloved university, effective tomorrow, June 15, 2009, to return to the faculty, subject to approval by the Board of Regents.

    “Our university is strong and I know that we will weather this storm. I sincerely hope and pray that we will intensify our efforts to protect and enhance Texas A&M’s reputation. I trust that the important issues raised in recent weeks will be addressed in the Aggie way – with integrity, selfless service and indomitable spirit. God bless you all, and gig ’em!”

    Screenshot of President's page on day of Murano's Resignation


    Statement regarding resignation of Dr. Elsa A. Murano

    June 14, 2009

    COLLEGE STATION, Texas — Dr. Elsa A. Murano today announced her resignation as president of Texas A&M University. Dr. Murano’s resignation and the plans for her transition back into the faculty will be addressed by the board at its meeting scheduled for tomorrow, June 15.

    “Dr. Murano has served the university with distinction over the course of her career” said Morris E. Foster, chairman of The Texas A&M University System Board of Regents. “I want to thank her for her service and commitment to the betterment of the university, its faculty and its students.”

    Dr. Murano has served as president of Texas A&M University since January 2008. Plans for her succession will be taken up by the board in the near future.

    “We look forward to having Dr. Murano rejoin our faculty and continue her nationally recognized work in food science,” said Michael D. McKinney, M.D., chancellor of the A&M System.

    About the A&M System

    The A&M System is one of the largest systems of higher education in the nation, with a budget of $3.04 billion. Through a statewide network of 11 universities, seven state agencies and a comprehensive health science center, the A&M System educates more than 109,000 students and makes more than 15 million additional educational contacts through service and outreach programs each year. Externally funded research brings in almost $676 million every year and helps drive the state’s economy.


    Evaluation documents posted at KBTX-TV website [pdf format]


    Profile of Darryl Kent Carter, Attorney for Murano


    The Board of Regents of The Texas A&M University System: Morris E. Foster, Chairman; James P. Wilson, Vice Chairman;
    Phil Adams, Richard A. Box, Lupe Fraga, Bill Jones, Jim Schwertner, Gene Stallings, Ida Clement Steen; Hunter Bollman, Student Regent.

    Discussions Regarding Concept of Merging Certain Functions of the Flagship Institution into the A&M System Offices

    Dr. Elsa A. Murano
    President, Texas A&M University

    May 27, 2009

    To Texas A&M Faculty, Staff and Students:

    I have been contacted by numerous faculty, staff and administrators, former students and friends of Texas A&M University throughout the day regarding the concept of merging certain functions of the flagship institution into the A&M System Offices as one approach in realizing cost efficiencies. While we are all concerned about the pressures of the current economic situation, I know that we are simultaneously mindful not to sacrifice academic quality, or our national reputation.

    Since yesterday, I have continued to receive a diversity of perspectives from the campus community on this concept. I plan to provide these to the Regents and the Chancellor very soon. On issues of this magnitude, we all agree that an open dialogue is critical. Please know that I value your input greatly, and I appreciate all that you do to make Texas A&M one of the premier public universities in the country.

    Sincerely,

    Dr. Elsa A. Murano

    President


    President Murano’s Biography

    Dr. Elsa A. Murano is the 23rd President of Texas A&M University. Taking
    office on Jan. 3, 2008, at age 49, she is the first woman and first
    Hispanic-American to lead the oldest public institution of higher
    learning in Texas—now one of the largest teaching and research
    universities in the nation.

    Dr. Murano worked her way up the academic ranks-teaching and
    research-and into administration from an unconventional beginning. At
    the age of 2, her family departed from Havana, Cuba, when Fidel Castro
    came into power. After living in several Latin American countries, she
    and her family settled in Miami when she was 14 years old. At that time,
    she only knew Spanish, a language in which she is still fluent, but
    quickly mastered English and launched an educational career that carried
    her through the doctoral ranks.


    In 2002, Hispanic Business Magazine recognized Dr. Murano as one of the
    nation’s “100 Most Influential Hispanics.”

    “Someday in the future, if I write a book, it will be called Only in
    America
    , because this great country has provided me so many
    opportunities, including the great honor of serving as President of
    Texas A&M University,” she is often quoted as saying.

    Her association with the university dates back to 1995, when she joined
    the Texas A&M faculty as an Associate Professor in the Department of
    Animal Science and Associate Director of the Center for Food Safety
    within the Institute for Food Science and Engineering. Dr. Murano was
    named Director of the Center in 1997 and served in that position until
    2001. Also, she rose to the rank of Professor and was named holder of
    the Sadie Hatfield Professorship in Agriculture.

    Dr. Murano interrupted her Texas A&M service in 2001 when President
    George W. Bush asked her to serve as Under Secretary for Food Safety for
    the U.S. Department of Agriculture, making her the highest-ranking food
    safety official in the U.S. government. In leading the USDA Food Safety
    and Inspection Service, she was responsible for an agency with a budget
    of approximately $1 billion and about 10,000 employees, with the mission
    of working to improve public health through the application of science
    in policy decisions.


    As undersecretary for food safety at the Department of Agriculture, Dr. Murano presided over the
    first case of mad cow disease in the United States.

    She returned to Aggieland in January 2005 as Vice Chancellor and Dean of
    Agriculture and Life Sciences, joint positions in which she served until
    being appointed President of Texas A&M. As Vice C
    hancellor and former
    Director of Texas AgriLife Research (formerly the Texas Agricultural
    Experiment Station), she led a transformation of agricultural programs
    and four state agencies within The Texas A&M University System to the
    benefit of students, peers and the agricultural community represented in
    254 counties across Texas.

    While serving as Dean, the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences
    experienced significant growth in enrollment and enhancement of its
    teaching, research and service endeavors. In conjunction with her
    deanship, Dr. Murano chaired a blue-ribbon task force to study ways for
    enhancing the undergraduate experience at the University, which has
    ultimately become known as “The Murano Report.”

    A noted expert on food safety, Dr. Murano was principal investigator or
    co-principal investigator in research projects totaling more than $8.7
    million during her professorial career, initially at Iowa State
    University and continuing at Texas A&M. She has been widely published,
    as author or co-author of seven books, book chapters or monographs, and
    scores of scholarly papers, abstracts and related materials.


    Her car is a 2004 Ford Thunderbird—maroon, of course!

    Dr. Murano began her professorial career in 1990 as an Assistant
    Professor in the Department of Microbiology, Immunology and Preventative
    Medicine at Iowa State, the position she held prior to joining the Texas
    A&M faculty. She received a bachelor’s degree in biological sciences
    from Florida International University, and earned both a master’s degree
    in anaerobic microbiology and a doctorate in food science and technology
    from Virginia Tech.

    She is married to Dr. Peter S. Murano, Associate Professor of Nutrition
    and Food Science and Director of Texas A&M’s Institute for Obesity
    Research and Program Development.


    Office of the President

    Vice Presidents & Executive Staff

    Dr. Jeffrey S. Vitter

    Provost and Executive Vice President for Academics

    Dr. H. Russell Cross

    Executive Vice President for Operations

    Ambassador Eric Bost (Ret.)

    Vice President for Global Initiatives

    Mr. Bill Byrne

    Director of Athletics

    Dr. Pierce E. Cantrell, Jr.

    Vice President and Associate Provost for Information Technology

    Mr. Jason D. Cook

    Vice President for Marketing & Communications

    Dr. R. Bowen Loftin

    Vice President and CEO, Texas A&M at Galveston (TAMUG)

    Dr. Theresa Maldonado

    Interim Vice President for Research

    Mr. Michael G. O’Quinn

    Vice President for Institutional and Federal Affairs

    Mr. Terry A. Pankratz

    Vice President for Finance and Chief Financial Officer

    Mr. Chuck Sippial

    Vice President for Facilities

    Mr. R. C. Slocum

    Special Advisor to the President

    Ms. Courtney K. Trolinger

    Vice President for Governmental Affairs

    Dr. Robert Walker

    Senior Executive for Development

    Dr. Karan Watson

    Interim Vice President and Associate Provost for Diversity

    LtGen Joseph F. Weber, (USMC) Ret.

    Vice President for Student Affairs

    Mr. Chad E. Wootton

    Vice President for University Advancement

    Ms. Mary Pletzer

    Executive Personal Assistant to the President

  • When Police Officers Turn Off Video Cameras, They Cast a Shadow of Doubt

    By Wayne Krause
    Legal Director
    Texas Civil Rights Project

    As summer approaches, an APD officer has shot another young person of color. We don’t yet know all of the details of how or why Nathaniel Sanders was killed, but there is one thing we are sure of already, and it is inexcusable: there is no video from the shooter’s police car.

    How can there be no video?! Is it not APD policy to turn on the camera when an officer might come into contact with a dangerous individual or make an arrest?

    APD Policy A306b mandates that police car videos record at all traffic and pedestrian stops, sobriety tests, and pursuits. APD cars are equipped with video cameras, so why aren’t officers using them?

    Time after time, Austinites are forced to endure tragic incidents of APD brutality in which the actual events are shrouded in an air of impenetrable mystery. It doesn’t have to be this way. Not only do pictures tell a thousand words, but video cameras don’t write false or biased reports to protect themselves or their partners.

    With violent officers such as Michael Olsen and Gary Griffin, we all now know how video cameras expose lies about what really happened on the scene. Having represented victims of these police attacks, I am certain they never would have found justice without having a videotape as evidence.

    But for every case I’ve accepted, there are dozens I have not because the video backed up the officer’s account or at least showed some understandable reaction. If an officer acted reasonably on the scene, turning the camera on is her insurance policy. So why wouldn’t there be a tape?

    We hear the excuses: the tape was lost, I forgot to turn it on, and so on. None of them ring true. If you’re an officer doing your job right, you want that camera on.

    During the death of Jessie Lee Owens, four of the five officers who eventually arrived at the scene had video proof of their actions. The one that didn’t was the shooter, so we’ll never know what really happened.

    The bottom line is if there is a shooting, but no video, we are left with nothing but the perception that the officer wanted it that way for a reason.

    If the APD seriously wants to put an end to this problem, it will actually begin punishing officers who violate its video policy and it will ensure that video recorders are in working order. When is the last time an officer got more than a slap on the wrist for refusing to turn the video camera on? And if police supervisors, who are required to check the cameras regularly, can’t or won’t keep them running well, we should appoint a neutral, competent employee to do so.

    Video cameras are a window to truth, and officers who turn them off cast a shadow on that truth and their profession. If we have cameras, they should work. And if you won’t do your job, you should be fired, or at least suspended for as long as your victim remains horizontal. Until that happens, it will remain a sad irony that our citizens who run red lights have a better chance of being caught on video than those shot dead.

  • 'A Shameful Day': Why the Holy Land Foundation Convictions Must be Overturned

    My client was convicted of providing charity. There was not, in ten years of wiretapping his home, his office, looking at his faxes, listening to everything he said, there was not one word out of his mouth about violence to anyone or about support for Hamas. He provided charity. That’s what he was convicted of.–Nancy Hollander, attorney for former Holy Land CEO Shukri Abu Baker.


    Democracy Now (May 29, 2009) Rush Transcript

    JUAN GONZALEZ: Five founders of a Muslim charity have been sentenced to lengthy prison terms in a controversial case that began nearly ten years ago. The Holy Land Foundation, based in a Dallas suburb, was the biggest Muslim charity in the United States before the Bush administration shut it down in 2001. Its five founders were convicted last November on charges of funneling money to the Palestinian group Hamas. The US government declared Hamas a terrorist organization in 1995.

    It was the second trial against the Holy Land Foundation’s five leaders after the first ended in a mistrial. The government’s case relied on Israeli intelligence as well as disputed documents and electronic surveillance gathered by the FBI over a span of fifteen years.

    AMY GOODMAN: Defendants Ghassan Elashi and Shukri Abu Baker each received sixty-five-year prison sentences. At his sentencing hearing, Elashi said, “Nothing was more rewarding than…turning the charitable contributions of American Muslims into life assistance for the Palestinians. We gave the essentials of life: oil, rice, flour. The occupation was providing them with death and destruction.” Another defendant, Mohammad El-Mezain, was sentenced to fifteen years in prison. He was found guilty of supporting Hamas but acquitted on thirty-one other charges. Volunteer fundraiser Mufid Abdulqader was sentenced to twenty years in prison. And the fifth defendant, Abdulrahman Odeh, was sentenced to fifteen years in prison. All five defendants plan to file appeals.

    We go now to Dallas, where we’re joined by Noor Elashi. She’s the daughter of Ghassan Elashi, the chair of the Holy Land Foundation who was sentenced to sixty-five years.

    And joining us from her home in Albuquerque via Democracy Now! video stream is Nancy Hollander, a defense attorney who represented former Holy Land CEO Shukri Abu Baker.

    We invited Jim Jacks, the lead prosecutor in the case, on the show, but his office declined.

    Noor, let’s begin with you. When the sentencing happened, your dad got sixty-five years in prison. Your response?

    NOOR ELASHI: Well, thank you, first of all, Amy, for having me on the show.

    My response to that is basically, to me, on Wednesday, the Holy Land Five, my father and the Holy Land Five, became the Nelson Mandelas of the twenty-first century. They’re merely political prisoners caught in this disillusioned web, widely known by the Bush administration as the war on terror.

    Sixty-five years seems like a big number, but it’s really nothing but a number to me. I do—I have faith that during the appeal process, under a less politicized Justice Department under the new administration, that truth will come out. And truth is a much stronger, way more powerful—truth is basically way more powerful than the prosecution’s ongoing tactic of fear. And truth will come out under this less politicized Justice Department.

    JUAN GONZALEZ: Noor Elashi, tell us about your father. When did he come to the United States, and why did he decide to found the Holy Land Foundation?

    NOOR ELASHI: My dad came to the US in the early ’80s. He got his master’s degree from the University of Miami and thus started a family. And, you know, in the late ’80s, during the Intifada, the uprising, he saw, like many Americans, images on television that just really went straight to his heart. And he, being Palestinian, originally Palestinian, took it to heart and felt like, you know, he had to do something. And that is, after seeing thousands of—the images of thousands of trees being uprooted, you know, many political prisoners in Palestine, many homes being demolished, he said there’s definitely a need there, a humanitarian need. There’s an economic crisis. And therefore, he and a few—a couple other people founded the Holy Land Foundation, which, like you mentioned earlier, became the largest Muslim charity in this country until the Bush administration shut it down.

    AMY GOODMAN: Nancy Hollander, you’re the attorney for the former Holy Land CEO, Holy Land Foundation CEO Shukri Abu Baker. Just looking at the time line for the whole Holy Land case: you have January ’89, the organization that was renamed Holy Land Foundation is founded by Noor’s father, Ghassan Elashi, and others to assist Palestinians affected by the Intifada, ’89; 1992, Holy Land moves its headquarters to Richardson, Texas; ’95, the US government declares Hamas a terrorist organization; ’99, the government says it’s investigating alleged financial ties between Holy Land and Hamas dating back to 1996. Explain this and what evidence the government presented on the connection between Holy Land and Hamas.

    NANCY HOLLANDER: Well, the government’s allegations—and this is extremely important, Amy—the government’s allegations all along and what the jury found was that Holy Land provided charity. Every dime went to charity. It went through sometimes directly to individuals and sometimes through charity committees, which are called Zakat committees. This is part of Islamic law that Muslims must tithe, and they often do it through these committees. These committees are throughout the Muslim world and in Palestine. And Holy Land gave money, large sums of money, to these Zakat committees in all these local communities, and then that was distributed to individuals, mostly orphans or families in need.

    There was never any allegation that any money went any where other than to charity. The government’s position was that these particular charities were associated with or controlled by Hamas. And it’s important to understand that the United States government, through USAID, continued to give money to the same charities for years after Holy Land was closed. But that’s what the allegation was all the way along. Although the government spent a great deal of time in the trial talking about and showing the jury horrific pictures of violent acts that Hamas did, our clients were not accused of nor convicted of one single act of violence.

    AMY GOODMAN: So, explain what they were convicted of.

    NANCY HOLLANDER: They were convicted of providing material support to Hamas, which includes, under the US statutes, providing charity to associations and organizations that are associated with or controlled by Hamas. The issue of whether these particular charities were controlled by Hamas, we believe to this day that they were not. And the only evidence that they were came from a secret witness from Israel who claimed to be a lawyer with the Israeli Shin Bet, but we were never able to learn anything about him, because he was presented with a pseudonym, and we weren’t allowed to know anything about him.

    AMY GOODMAN: The Shin Bet being the Israeli intelligence.

    NANCY HOLLANDER: Yes, yes, correct. And that’s where they got the information.

    The government also claimed that by providing charity, Holy Land was assisting Hamas in winning the hearts and minds of the people. There was no evidence of that, of course. And Holy Land was closed in 2001. And although the government tried to make the leap to Hamas winning a large number of seats in the election in 2006, that was five years later. And the government never had an answer, during trial or at sentencing when we brought this up, to explain that USAID gave money, for example, $47,000 to
    t
    he Qalqilya Zakat Committee in December of 2004, and why that didn’t contribute to the hearts and minds theory, if in fact that theory makes any sense, which historically and politically it doesn’t.

    JUAN GONZALEZ: Nancy Hollander, the first trial in 2007 ended in a mistrial, and there was the second one that ended in conviction. Any sense on your part what swayed the jury in the second trial? And also, were you surprised by the severity of the sentences?

    NANCY HOLLANDER: Well, on your first question, the government always benefits when it gets a second chance. It has seen the defense. It had another year to gather more evidence, to look through the ten years of FISA wiretaps that our clients were never allowed to look at, by the way, even though they were their statements, to attempt to find more evidence. All they really found, because there was no evidence of anything other than charity, all they found was more violence, and they put on more violence.

    In terms of the sentence, no, I wasn’t surprised at it, but I was horrified by it, to the thought that somebody gets sixty-five years for providing charity is really shameful, and I believe this case will go down in history, as have others, like Korematsu, for example, as a shameful day. We have all filed—all the defendants have filed their notices of appeal, and all will be appealed. And we believe we will be vindicated on appeal, because this was a grossly unfair trial.

    AMY GOODMAN: Nancy Hollander, you used the argument—you compared—you looked at the case of Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri to persuade the judge to go easy on your client, Shukri Abu Baker, saying that he pleaded guilty in April to one count of conspiracy to provide material support to al-Qaeda. You said, “This is a man who admits he came to the US as a sleeper agent, and the government believes fifteen years is sufficient.” The judge retorted, “Raising millions of dollars to fund terrorism, that’s a different situation.” He said, “Al-Marri is an example of someone who wanted to commit an act of terrorism. As bad as that is, this is support over the years.” And he sentenced your client, Abu Baker, to sixty-five years. Your response?

    NANCY HOLLANDER: It’s just beyond me. It’s remarkable. My client was convicted of providing charity. There was not, in ten years of wiretapping his home, his office, looking at his faxes, listening to everything he said, there was not one word out of his mouth about violence to anyone or about support for Hamas. He provided charity. That’s what he was convicted of. And to say that someone or these people who provide charity should get a sentence six, you know, four or five times longer than someone who professes to come to the United States with a purpose in mind that’s clearly violence shows essentially that these people were convicted because they were Palestinians.

    JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask Noor Elashi—you, yourself, are a journalist. Could you comment about the media’s coverage, the mainstream media coverage, of this trial and how that affected the atmosphere around the trial?

    NOOR ELASHI: Yeah. I’m actually highly disappointed, but I’m not surprised. From the very beginning of the case, the media coverage has been very biased, including many Israeli bloggers and people obviously anti-Muslim, anti-Palestinian in the news articles. For example, on sentencing day, I went to the New York Times website, the LA Times, the Washington Post, saw nothing. I mean, the Associated Press was there. But overall, this definitely—this case, from the very beginning, the arrests, the first trial, the second trial, I think deserves a lot more attention.

    And, Amy, you one time said in one of your—in your book tour, I believe, that Americans are sympathetic people. And I do honestly believe that. And I think that if this case were to be covered more widely and received better coverage, I feel like Americans will sympathize and there will be an outcry, not only from Americans, but just an international outcry.

    AMY GOODMAN: Are you able to see your father in jail?

    NOOR ELASHI: Yes, I am. We are able to visit him once a week. And actually, the way that’s set up, and this was also set up on purpose, the families are not allowed to see the defendants all at the same time. They’ve set it up in different times. So, when I go see my dad, I’m not really allowed to see anybody else, any of the other defendants or their families. They set it up in a way where we can only see our father that one time. But he’s a very strong person. As I sat there on Wednesday watching him—

    AMY GOODMAN: We have five seconds.

    NOOR ELASHI: OK, he’s a very strong person, and I just really admire him. And he’s my hero.

    AMY GOODMAN: Noor Elashi, I want to thank you for being with us, daughter of Ghassan Elashi. She’s also a former reporter with the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. And thanks to Nancy Hollander.