Category: svhaitsma

  • CODEPINK: Making the world stop and look

    By Susan Van Haitsma

    Global Resistance Network / IndyMedia Austin

    The handmade sign posted in the front of the bus read, “Bell broken. Please call ‘next stop’.”

    The book in my bag that morning happened to be the collection of essays, “Stop the Next War Now,” produced by CODEPINK. The coincidence brought to mind political cartoons showing an oblivious George W. Bush driving a vehicle labeled ‘USA’ or ‘Iraq liberation’ or ‘No Child Left Behind’ straight toward a cliff’s edge. Warning bells are not working. The system is broken and passengers have got to call out.

    I had purchased the CODEPINK book when co-editor, Jodie Evans and founding member, Diane Wilson were in town during their book tour. They spoke about actions, arrests and travels that brought them closer to women in countries where the USA is at war now or threatening the next one. Describing with humor and candor the already legendary creativity distinguishing CODEPINK actions, Evans said, “If we’re going to be an alternative, let’s be somewhere people want to go.” Wilson, a fourth-generation Texas shrimper from the Gulf Coast whose gutsy environmental and anti-war activism has landed her in jail several times explained, “The only thing that stops you in an action is yourself.”

    Riding the bus, staring at the “Bell broken” sign, I was thinking about an action planned for later that day in Austin by local CODEPINK people. It was to be a demonstration at an advertising firm that creates recruitment ads for the Air Force that feature young children. The protest was
    timed for that evening because the ad agency was hosting a reception to announce a book project called, “The Amazing Faith of Texas,” an effort to promote religious tolerance and explore common ground by focusing on five core values shared by faith groups in the state. CODEPINK wanted to dramatize the contradictions inherent in celebrating Charity, Humility, Forgiveness, faith and Compassion while selling the military to children.

    Reception goers and several lanes of drivers stuck in rush-hour traffic in front of the ad agency were greeted by about a dozen women, men and children carrying signs and dressed mostly in hot pink. Two CODEPINK women decided to risk arrest by entering the reception area and holding their banner near the podium where the agency’s president was scheduled to speak about the book project. Recalling Diane Wilson’s challenge, I decided to join them.

    Turning the tables, the company president cited First Amendment rights, welcomed us, and invited us to stay and distribute fliers to the crowd. For one moment while a CODEPINK woman did a quick errand, the president offered to hold her end of the banner, which read, “How can we create peace when we profit from war?”

    As part of the event, local religious leaders had been invited to offer brief reflections on each of the five shared aspects of faith. With the CODEPINK banner serving as the elephant in the room, none of the five speakers addressed in their prepared statements either the war or the militarism that feeds it.

    But if the speakers that evening avoided the opportunity to talk about war in light of Charity, Humility, Compassion, Faith and Forgiveness, the women and men who contribute essays to “Stop the Next War Now” explore these themes with eloquence and directness. Contributors include journalists, teachers, politicians, businesswomen and artists. Many have experienced the effects of war firsthand.

    “A Mother’s Plea,” by peace activist and educator, Nurit Peled-Elhanan opens with a dedication to a 13 year-old Palestinian girl, Iman El-Hamas. Peled-Elhanan’s only daughter, Smadar was killed at the same age by a Palestinian suicide bomber.

    She writes, “Death has created a new identity for me and has given me a new voice. …This new identity and voice transcend nationalities, religions, and even time; the identity overshadows all other identities and the voice deafens all the other voices I have been given by life. My little girl was killed just because she was born Israeli, by a young man who felt hopeless to the point of murder and suicide just because he was born a Palestinian…. There she lies, alongside her murderer, whose blood is mingled with hers on Jerusalem’s stones …there they both lie, deceived …And they were both deceived because the world goes on living as if their blood had never been shed. Both are victims of so-called leaders who keep on playing their murderous games, using our children as their puppets and our grief as fuel to continue with their vindictive campaigns.”

    “… I have come here to ask you: please help us save the children that are left to us. Help us make the world stop for a moment to look at the small body of Iman, pierced by twenty bullets, and at the twenty-first hole at her smooth temple and ask with us, Why does that streak of blood rip the petal of her cheek?”

    These closing words of Peled-Elhanan’s appeal should have rung like bells in the hall in Austin where folks pondered a book about religious tolerance while tolerating military advertising to children. Attenders had to have noticed the two women in pink calling out, “Next stop. Stop the next war now.”

  • Pushing Back the Violence: Peacemaker Teams Get in the Way

    By Greg Moses & Susan Van Haitsma

    DissidentVoice / CounterPunch / Global Resistance Network

    For two unarmed peacemakers walking in Colombia’s Magdalena River Valley, there is only one thing to do. When an eight-year-old girl screams that troops are about to kill her father, they run toward the guns.

    “Kill us first!” plead Scott Albrecht and Sandra Rincón as they move in front of the troops, arms outstretched. Had the Canadian and the Colombian not stepped in front of the girl’s father, say witnesses, the nine-man paramilitary force was “preparing to kill him.”

    Half a world away, at the entrance to the main market place in the Palestinian city of Hebron, ten men are blindfolded, handcuffed, and kneeling. Israeli soldiers tell peacemakers to move on or face arrest. Instead, the peacemakers wait for more international observers to arrive, and the prisoners are released on the spot.

    During February in Iraq a newly formed group of Shi’a peacemakers in Karbala talk about going into the heart of Sunni territory to help with the recovery of Falluja. There are several reasons why they think the trip will be difficult. Isn’t there conflict between Shi’a and Sunni? Aren’t the Sunni resentful of newfound Shi’a control? Yet by early May, a delegation of Shi’a peacemakers from Karbala and Najaf are at work in Sunni Falluja, helping city officials to clear the rubble.

    These are some of the stories archived at the website of Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT). In the wake of a harsh report by Amnesty International on the status of human rights in the world, CPT archives remind us that the world doesn’t have to wait on the USA or UN to deliver peace. So long as people of the world want peace, there are ways to get it. Helpless we are not.

    In the past 18 years CPT has sent delegations to Iraq (prior to both Bush wars), Palestine, Haiti, Chiapas, Chechnya, Vieques Island, Pine Ridge, Colombia, and Grassy Narrows. Today several of those delegations are permanent. In Iraq, CPT is one of the few NGOs to still work outside the heavily occupied Green Zone. And this year in Iraq CPT helped to organize the first Muslim Peacemaker Team (MPT).

    It was 1984 (of all years) at a Mennonite world conference in Strasbourg when the idea of creating a global team of peacemakers was sparked by Philadelphia scholar Ronald J. Sider. For two years, the idea was discussed among Mennonite congregations. In 1987 Gene Stoltzfus was hired as the first coordinator of CPT, a position he held until 2004.

    “You can’t run away,” says Stoltzfus speaking to university students on a recent tour of Texas, his twinkling Santa Claus eyes and his full North Pole beard contributing to his charm. “Because if you set up a system where you run away, you can’t push back the violence.”

    “Pushing back the violence” is a phrase that Stoltzfus has adopted over the past few years to describe peacemaking. The phrase comes from his gut, he explains. Pushing back the violence creates a new space or “sacred space” where transformation can occur. He envisions a day when a Peace Army will be trained and ready to go into high violence areas “to stand up for peace” around the world.

    At the University of Texas class on “Religion, Violence, and Nonviolence” one student wants to know how the Christian label plays in Iraq. “It has helped us!” answers Stoltzfus. “It helps to be Christian in the Muslim world, because Jesus appears in the Koran and the Koran teaches respect for Christians.” In fact, the idea that there might be Christian Peacemakers often helps to start long conversations. In Mexico and South America also, the Christian label is helpful. The only place CPT tends to encounter resistance as a Christian group, says Stoltzfus with dramatic pause, is within the USA.

    “The ministry of Jesus was a public ministry,” says Stoltzfus. Biblical scenes of major transformation tend to take place in humble, ordinary settings. When violence is pushed back anywhere by ordinary people, space is made available for something new – something as simple or as revolutionary as a conversation.

    “When you talk with your adversary,” says Stoltzfus, “you are establishing the possibility for change. You’re not just confronting them to say they are bad; you’re establishing a relationship for the future.” From the beginning, CPT recognized the need to talk with all sides in conflict situations. In Colombia, peacemakers get cell phone numbers from military, paramilitary and guerilla groups. “We tell them we are here and we are watching,” says Stoltzfus. “You know who we are, and we know who you are. We are not apologetic in the least.”

    Sitting later at a small table in an Austin bakery, Stoltzfus recalls what it was like to be born into a “peace church family.” When he was 6 years old (the youngest child in a large Mennonite family in Aurora, Ohio) schoolmates pushed his head into a toilet. Returning home from school he asked his parents: “Why don’t they like us?” And his parents answered, “Because we don’t go to war.” Stoltzfus remembers thinking that was a pretty dumb reason not to like someone. Even among USA schoolchildren, there was something unsettling about a peacemaker in the neighborhood.

    At the age of 23, Stoltzfus affirmed his peacemaking commitment by registering as a conscientious objector and performing five years of alternative social service in Vietnam, where he worked among civilians and soldiers alike. He credits the experience with developing his interest in peace teams: “That was the most important influence on my life.”

    In Vietnam, Stoltzfus learned there can be “nonviolent imperialism” that imposes problem-solving strategies without first engaging local activists. “If we push back violence in the wrong direction, that can be a problem, too,” he explains. “In Palestine, CPT definitely didn’t work enough with Palestinians at first,” admits Stoltzfus. Today, teams ideally include local and international membership. In Colombia, CPT teams now conduct their business in Spanish, a good sign of local voice.

    “The best team is one that includes good gender balance and a variety of ages and nationalities. We’ve got people aged 20 to 80 on our teams!” Stoltzfus says enthusiastically. “And in the Arab world, a range of ages is especially valued.” Once a team is on the ground, it begins looking for opportunities to take small actions on issues important to local communities.

    Peace activists must overcome their fear of talking to soldiers, says Stoltzfus. In Iraq, CPT often serves as intermediary between USA military officials and Iraqis seeking information about loved ones in prison. Very early in the occupation, CPT documented patterns of abuse and torture of Iraqi detainees and met repeatedly with Coalition Provisional Authority officials to relate their findings. CPT members distributed flyers to soldiers detailing human rights provisions of the Geneva Conventions. When Abu Ghraib photos were exposed, background evidence compiled by CPT helped substantiate the story in media reports around the world.

    One challenge to maintaining contact with military officials, observes Stoltzfus, is rapid turnover within the armed forces. That is a reason CPT remains committed for the duration, recognizing that nonviolence is a long-term process involving many small, important steps. “It takes years to see things nonviolently,” he explains. Both within ourselves and in the situations that surround us, there are nonviolent resources that we commonly overlook.

    Jumping in front of a gun takes some know-how. “Being a peace person is no excuse for being dumb,” warns Stoltzfus. “You don’t just innocently say I love you. Where things are hot, a peacemaker thinks well.” Although CPT would view the term, “Christian Soldier” as oxymoronic, team discipline and training are crucial.

    CPT is neither an Army of One nor simply a group of human shields. Their brand of discipline is rooted in the knowledge that, through good training and lots of practice, a diverse team of equals does the best job. Referring to the lack of training given USA soldiers sent to Iraq and to concerns during preliminary Mennonite discussions about “nonviolent armies,” Stoltzfus stresses, “It’s dangerous to send an undisciplined army to a dangerous place.”

    Spiritual discipline is also integral to CPT’s program. Each day begins with a period of prayerful reflection. Team members don’t need much in material terms – a hat, pen, notebook, sturdy shoes, and nowadays a digital camera. Less tangible “weapons of the spirit” include wit, wisdom and a common faith in the transformative power of love. Among Colombians, CPT peacemakers are known as “the activists who pray.”

    People who express interest in CPT are asked to participate first in a delegation. Delegations of 10 –12 people usually travel to areas where permanent teams are present. They join the team’s daily routine of facilitating meetings, dividing up group chores, working with the media, and engaging in nonviolent direct action. Those who apply to join a permanent team attend a month-long training session. At least half the training, says Stoltzfus, involves role-play. “You can’t convince people about nonviolence through paper. They have to learn through experience. They have to be … saved,” he says with that Santa Claus smile. It’s a concept he thinks people in the Bible Belt will understand.

    “We have delegations out to all four of our current projects right now,” says Amy Knickrehm from the CPT headquarters in Chicago. “That’s rare, and coincidental, but we’ve got a total of about 35 folks out there for them.” Full time CPT members make 3-year commitments to Core Teams (rotating between 4-6 months on location and 2-3 months off). Many continue to serve with the Reserve Corps. In 2004, 48 team members served full-time along with 144 Reservists. Grassroots funding comes from individuals, a few grants, and 250 church congregations representing several denominations.

    In Iraq, CPT has collaborated closely with other organizations that employ peace team and delegation formats such as Voices in the Wilderness, American Friends Service Committee, and Fellowship of Reconciliation. CPT also has been called upon to help train other intervention groups such as the International Solidarity Movement.

    “Good nonviolence awakens energy,” says Stoltzfus, and his visit to Texas testifies to this. Wherever he speaks, young and old gather around him afterward, eager to learn more. Following a presentation to the Austin Veterans for Peace chapter, an Iraq War veteran requests a CPT application. Stoltzfus envisions continued growth and wider embrace of the concept of nonviolent peace teams, especially as the untenable nature of protracted war and occupation becomes more obvious every day.

    Winding up his Texas tour, Stoltzfus climbs into his pickup, heading back toward his Ontario home, not quite to the North Pole. On the long ride northward he will continue speaking about CPT. In the back of the truck he carries an iron frying pan. He says it is a gift for his lodging, but it looks very much like a metaphor for his work. Always a frying pan handy for any fire. His stories and contagious excitement are gifts to be used.

    The gifts of nonviolence offered by Gene Stoltzfus, Christian Peacemaker Teams, and the newly founded Muslim Peacemaker Teams give to ordinary persons the ability to push back seemingly insurmountable violence to create transformative, sacred spaces where change can take place. If people in conflict are ever going to cease reliance on armed force, the alternative must be visible. This bearded messenger of peace is real; his message is no myth.

    Note: Thanks to UT-Austin Sociology Professor Lester Kurtz for permission to visit his class.

    Greg Moses is editor of Peacefile and author of Revolution of Conscience: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Philosophy of Nonviolence. Susan Van Haitsma is active with Nonmilitary Options for Youth and Austin Conscientious Objectors to Military Taxation.

    To comment on this article, please see the blog at gregmoses.net.

  • Operation Red Flag: recruiting at the IMAX

    By Susan Van Haitsma

    CommonDreams / InfoShopNews / DissidentVoice

    Opening on Armed Forces Day at the Texas State History Museum in Austin was the IMAX production, “Fighter Pilot: Operation Red Flag.” To commemorate the occasion, the Air Force was on hand to take minds off what was happening on the ground in Iraq. The public was invited to cross into the blue.

    Under a hot sun in the museum plaza, several Air Force officers idled around a bare table. They chatted mostly among themselves, as the heat and absence of much to see in the plaza discouraged museumgoers from lingering there. A few families arranged their children for photos in front of a 15-foot mini-jet replica and then headed quickly for shade. Occasionally, the officers changed the radio station that thumped from the blue and silver “Raptor Truck” parked behind them. One officer said that normally the media center in back of the customized SUV provided an interactive simulated flying mission designed for children.

    As a museum official explained to me later, the simulation game was not interacting with children that day because it was broken, and the table was bare because the Air Force had been specifically instructed by the museum to not use the occasion for recruitment purposes.

    I was pleased, having attended the event ready to hand reality-check fliers to kids who seemed wowed by military glitz. Maybe I could just go home. Stopping inside the museum for a drink of water, I saw a poster urging the public to “meet a real life fighter pilot” at a talk following one of the IMAX showings. I stayed.

    To a room-full of family folks, about half of whom were young children, two fighter pilots, one retired and the other a Lieutenant Colonel who had appeared in the film as an Aggressor pilot, spoke and took questions. The older officer spoke first, describing his tour during the Vietnam War and explaining that Red Flag was developed as an intensive training program to address the high death ratio of pilots in Vietnam. The program aimed to make pilots better able to handle the complex communications input they receive during flying missions in order to be “better prepared to go to war.”

    Someone asked if he’d ever been ejected from his jet during combat, and he recounted in detail such an occasion, the images from that event seared into his memory. “Basically,” he concluded, “what you’re trying to do is survive– do your mission and get home.”

    The younger fighter pilot made no bones about his belief that he was defending freedom and democracy around the world through military force. In answer to questions that centered on the dazzling technical aspects of the F-15 as portrayed in the IMAX production, he stressed the vital importance of trust that develops between pilot and flight crew, and the precision necessary for their missions.

    I asked the pilots why thousands of Iraqi civilians were killed during the shock-and-awe phase of the US invasion if bombs were so precise. The older pilot avoided my gaze. The younger pilot softened his voice so I would understand: “We could have just nuked them, but we try to make combat more humane.” Smiling, he hastened to add, “Maybe that sounds like a mixed message, but I never want to kill somebody.” He claimed that Iraqi forces inhabited schools and hospitals purposely to endanger civilians. Fighter pilots tried very hard, he said, “to just take out certain targets.” He defended to the core the actions of the US, which he called “a Christian nation, if you will.”

    The red flags one would expect his comments to raise in that setting didn’t materialize. Instead, a young mother rose to thank the pilots for their brave service in defense of freedom. There was applause, and the officers stayed to sign autographs.

    The IMAX production similarly blends fact and script. The story focuses on one pilot whose hero and mentor was his grandfather, a decorated fighter pilot during WWII. The film opens with a rich, orchestral soundtrack behind close-ups of framed photographs of the grandfather in wartime. “When I was a kid,” says the grown grandson in voice-over, “I thought he must have won the war all by himself.” Red Flag takes place at Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada and involves not only US F-15 fighters, but also German, Israeli, Canadian and British fighter jets and pilots.

    According to the film, fighter pilots who survive their first 10 missions are likeliest to survive many more. So, exercises are designed to give pilots a 10-mission dose of practice in war games played out high above the desert, with pilots taking turns as good guys and bad guys. For their final practice mission, live ordnance is used to bomb “enemy” machinery on the ground. This climax of the film is replete with fiery slow motion explosions that show us everything except the gruesome, charred remains of people and neighborhoods blown apart in real life war.

    Exiting the theatre, I heard an older man remark to his grandson, who was mimicking the explosions, “Wasn’t that great?” Despite the museum’s good intentions, the IMAX show is a recruitment tool, no question. And any medium that glorifies the technology of war while omitting its bloody consequences is fraudulent.

    As though to address this omission, the film closes with a final voice-over by the young protagonist: “My grandfather said being a fighter pilot was the best job on earth. He also said that going to war was the worst thing he could imagine. I would have to say he was right on both counts.” Explain, if you will, grandfather and grandson, why you continue to do the best job of the worst thing you can imagine.

  • Confessions of a Conscientious Objector

    By Susan Van Haitsma

    Global Resistance Network

    I am a conscientious objector, though I am a middle-aged woman whose talents the military is not seeking. I wish the term was not so difficult to pronounce, nor so ostentatious, yet it is a label I wear to stand with persons I respect who have worn it despite disparagement and praise through wars past and present.

    The outreach I do in local high schools with Nonmilitary Options for Youth includes giving away CO buttons as an education technique when we do our literature tabling. First of all, students like free stuff, especially if they can wear it or eat it. The buttons read “Conscientious Objector” around the big CO in the middle. We ask, when a student takes one, “Do you know what it means?” Well, um, let’s see – “conscious objector?” O.K., that’s a good place to start. You’re conscious -you’re aware. And you know what “objector” means, for sure. Yeah. So, you’re aware and you’re saying no to something. The student glances around at our other materials and suddenly their eyes light up. “I don’t like war, either! I don’t want to kill anybody!”

    Sometimes students eagerly pin on their CO buttons and run right over to the recruiting tables to pick up some free stuff there, too. Even JROTC students have pinned CO buttons to their uniforms. It’s a disconnect that breaks my heart, but I cheer them on. The button states in black and white a core value I know resides in the human being beneath the uniform.

    “Conscience” comes from a Latin word meaning, “to know something with oneself.” Each of us knows something about the value of human life. And because we are necessarily social beings, we also know that our lives are not entirely distinct from one another. Is there a spiritual tradition that does not, at its root, conclude that we are all one? When I watch groups of students walking down the hall, leaning together, joined at the hip, I think teenagers must know this better than anyone.

    Many also recognize and reject the Bush administration’s illogic of defending life and freedom through the means of war. As one student wrote in a survey we conducted, “Adults are always telling us not to use violence to solve our problems, but it seems like the government is just a big hypocrite.” Concluded another, “I think we should handle things in a nonviolent grown-up way. We should be big enough to reach an agreement with our enemies and settle it like civilized human beings.”

    Interestingly, the term, “Conscientious Objector” originally was used by Englishpersons who in 1898 swore moral opposition to a Compulsory Vaccination Act passed by Parliament. Later, men who objected for reasons of conscience to participate as armed combatants during WWI adopted the term, which has been defined in the context of war resistance ever since.

    The symbolism of objecting to vaccination offers a useful analogy. As a vaccination subjects the body to small doses of a disease in order to inoculate the body against it, so, perhaps, does subjecting human beings to the dehumanizing preconditions of war desensitize us over time to the disease that war is.

    Of course, when we discuss conscientious objection with students, we stress the legal definition of the term as defined by current US law. We explain that being a conscientious objector means objecting to participation in all war, not particular wars, and if they believe they are conscientious objectors, they should create files for themselves that contain evidence of their beliefs and statements from adults who can testify to their sincerity in case of a draft. We also want young people to know that they can cite moral or ethical principles, not only religious beliefs.

    It’s important that students know the law, but in my heart of hearts, I rebel against the notion that we must prove to an authority that we are morally, ethically or religiously opposed to killing. We are born with an essential reverence for life woven into our DNA, and I don’t think there is a lawyer, draft board member or politician alive who could untangle it.

    Soldiers are persons of conscience, too. And there are many who have developed a conscientious objection to war forged in the awful crucible of war itself. Soldiers on trial now for desertion, whose claims of conscientious objection have been denied by military authorities, are paying very high prices for their convictions.

    I see a connection between the uniformed teenager with the CO button and the soldier serving a prison term for refusing to participate any longer in what he or she knows, firsthand, is unconscionable. What the teenager knows instinctively the soldier knows through hard experience, but it is the same undeniable truth of being aware that we are inseparable. As Army veteran, Camilo Mejia, wrote eloquently from jail following a court martial for refusing to return to duty in Iraq, “By putting my weapon down, I chose to reassert myself as a human being.”

    “What good is freedom if we are afraid to follow our conscience?” asked Mejia. ” What good is freedom if we are not able to live with our own actions? I am confined to a prison, but I feel, today more than ever, connected to all humanity.”

    We suffer soldiers to experience fully the disease of war while most of us become inoculated to it a little at a time. Soldiers who experience the atrocity and then take a stand against it pay doubly.

    On May 15, people around the world commemorate International Conscientious Objectors’ Day. I’d like to be able to give more than a pin and a pamphlet to every teenager whose bright eyes assure me that we are bound together by life itself.