Category: Uncategorized

  • Rumbo Headlines Huge Increase in Texas Immigrant Convictions

    Of 15,662 magistrate court convictions and jail sentences handed to undocumented immigrants in 2004 across the USA, 13,479 were gaveled by judges in South Texas. The unprecedented spike in criminaliztion and incarceration of migrants was documented last August by Syracuse University’s TRAC project, but lay dormant on the information landscape until the Spanish language newspaper RUMBO headlined the report in Tuesday’s edition.

    The sizable use of magistrate courts as a strategy of criminalization and incarceration continued during the first six months of 2005 according to Syracuse figures, with South Texas magistrate courts issuing 4,609 of the 5,014 total magistrate court convictions recorded. Jail time for these convictions averaged about three weeks in 2004; two weeks in 2005. The August report is still listed at the Syracuse web site as a "New Finding" but source code for the narrative indicates it was released in late August of 2005.

    The number of immigration convictions in state courts across the USA for 2004 nearly equalled the total of magistrate court sentences, bringing the annual total to a little more than 30,000. In state courts however, the average jail term was 23 months.

    The overall number of immigration convictions nationwide jumped 58 percent in 2004, primarily because of the magistrate court activity in South Texas.

    "When the changes in the overall immigration enforcement effort are examined, it would appear that the Bush Administration has in fact adopted an across-the-board get-tough policy: more referrals, more prosecutions and more convictions," says the Syracuse report. "The overall counts for the entire nation seem clear. Referrals climbed from just under 24,000 in FY 2003 to almost 40,000 in FY 2004 — an increase of 65%. In the same period, prosecutions rose 82% — from almost 21,000 to just under 38,000. And the increase in convictions was similarly up, 18,000 to 31,000."

    What Syracuse says about "Texas South":

    Texas South, originally established in 1902, currently is the seventh largest in the nation with over 7 million residents, 43 counties and more than 150 assistant U.S. Attorneys.

    From December 2001 until June of 2005 the U.S. Attorney in Texas South was Michael T. Shelby. He is now an attorney with Fulbright and Jaworski, a major national law firm based in Houston. In his May 13 resignation statement, Mr. Shelby praised the work of his office in handling cases involving international terrorism, corporate fraud and public corruption, but did not mention criminal cases involving immigration violations.

    Given the circumstances, this seems a curious lapse. According to the case-by-case information provided the Executive Office for United States Attorneys by the district he until recently headed, the office in FY 2004 prosecuted a total of slightly more than 21,000 individuals, 18,340 of whom it said were charged with immigration violations. By comparison, his office said, it only prosecuted 90 white collar crime matters, 35 internal security and terrorism matters and 15 official corruption matters.

    For the federal prosecutors in Texas South handling immigration matters, the data show that in 2004 — the year when their enforcement effort absolutely exploded — their favorite charge was a section of 8 USC 1325, illegal entry, that previously had been cited much less frequently. Convictions in the district where the section of illegal entry statute law was the lead charge went from 304 in FY 2003 to 13,778 in FY 2004. This jump means that in the most recent complete fiscal year that 8 USC 1325 convictions made up an overwhelming majority of all immigration matters in the district. See Table.

    Records from both the Justice Department and the courts show that many if not most of these cases are handled in a cursory way by magistrate judges rather than district court judges. For a flavor of how the process works consider the case brought in the Southern District of Texas against one Eduardo Garcia Nunez.

    The complaint was filed against Garcia Nunez by Amador H. Carbajal, a senior agent of the Border Patrol, who said the defendant had been apprehended by an agent who was not named while wading across the Rio Grande River near Brownsville on October 30, 2004. On the next business day, at a brief hearing before Magistrate Judge John William Black, Nunez was formally charged with violating 8 USC 1325(a) (1) for "willfully, knowingly and unlawfully" entering the United States at "a place other than designated by an immigration officer in violation of the law." During the same short session, represented by Sandra Zamora Zayas, a public defender, the defendant was advised of his right to trial, the right to remain silent, the right to bring witnesses on his behalf. Nunez, waiving all his rights, pled guilty and was sentenced to 30 days of confinement.

    The official minutes of the whole process required only a few lines of text:

    Counsel was appointed to represent the Defendant. The defendant was advised of and waived the following rights: The right to trial; the right to at least thirty (30) days to prepare for trial before the Magistrate Judge; the right to remain silent; the right to bring witnesses and present testimony on his/her behalf; the right to confront and cross examine witnesses. The Defendant was arraigned on the charge(s) contained in the criminal complaint. The Defendant pleaded guilty to the charge(s) in the criminal complaint. The Defendant was sentenced as outlined in the Judgment signed this day. … (Entered 11/01/2004)

    Neither Mr. Shelby, the former U.S. Attorney, nor the public affairs officer in the Texas South responded to written inquiries requesting their explanations for the recent abrupt enforcement changes in the district.

    The sheer volume of DHS immigration referrals in Texas South (Houston) in FY 2004 (18,092) tower over the totals racked up by the four other districts along the Mexican border in the same year — 4,170 in Texas West (San Antonio) , 3,407 in Arizona (Phoenix), 2,801 in California South (San Diego) and 1,771 in New Mexico (Albuquerque)…..

    The length of time it takes the government to process the immigration cases from the moment they are referred by the investigators to the time when they are finally disposed of in any way is much less in magistrate courts than it is in district court. In the magistrate courts the median processing time in 2004 was 0 days — in other words more than half were completed on the same day they were filed in magistrate court. While magistrate processing times have always been fairly short, 2004 set a new speed standard — down from 16 days in 2003. By comparison, cases processed in district court required a median time of 145 days in FY 2004 and 141 days in 2003.

  • Yes, the State Does Misbehave: Ramsey Muniz Hints at Federal Challenge

    Note: the following letter from Ramsey Muniz (forwarded by his spouse) hints that the Leavenworth prisoner may soon mount a federal appeal of his conviction and sentencing on marijuana related charges.–gm

    ***************

    The enclosed letter was written by Ramsey Muniz. It is
    a legal response written to a person who expressed disbelief
    in our government resorting to such tactics as framing individuals.–Irma Muniz (via email Jan. 18, 2005)

    ***************

    October 19, 2005

    Dear Mr. Ochoa:

    Your letter shows that you’re different from those
    who make a hobby of being interested, including seekers
    after causes and people who like to get their names of
    letterheads. The sincerity expressed in your letter has
    developed a profound respect from me. However, while I
    sincerely respect your honest opinion, I must disagree
    with the basis supporting your assertion that you don’t
    believe me because, on your own words, you haven’t seen
    your government doing such things to others, including
    those who are more dangerous than myself.

    The reason for your radical position is only one,
    which is "misinformation." The words "public confidence
    in the criminal justice system," most of the time are
    used to justify releasing someone who has had his constitutional
    rights trampled on by government agents.

    Of course, this bad side of the government, when this
    is disclosed by a criminal defendant, apparently never
    meets the necessary credibility of citizens who cannot
    understand that our democratic system demands that
    government officials shall be subject to the same rules
    of conduct that are common to the citizen. See
    Olmstead v United States, 277 U.S. 433, 585, 48 S.Ct.
    575 (1928). The government’s misconduct in criminal
    cases has been well documented in the American justice
    system, causing expressions from courts as "there comes
    a time when enough is more than enough – it is just too
    much." Williamson v. United States, 311 F.2d 411, 445
    (5th Cir. 1962) (a contingent fee informer case).

    Although you are now aware, the existence of misconduct
    involving misbehaving officials, as in my case, has been
    well documented in the American Jurisprudence. Under
    clearly established federal law, the government violates
    a defendant’s right to due process when it fails to
    disclose evidence favorable to the accused prior to trial
    and the evidence is "Material either to guilt or to
    punishment, irrespective of the good faith or bad faith
    of the prosecution." Brady v. Maryland, 373 U.S. 83,
    87 (1963). In addition, the Supreme Court has long
    recognized that "A prosecutor’s knowing presentation
    of false testimony is ‘inconsistent with the rudimentary
    demands of justice.’" Jacobs v. Scott, 513 U.S. 1067 1995)
    (Stevens, J., dissenting from denial of petition for
    writ of certiorari) (quoting Mooney v. Holohan,
    294 U.S. 102, 112 (1935)).

    As a result, due process is violated when a
    prosecutor fails to correct testimony that he knows
    to be false, even when the falsehood goes only to the
    witness’s credibility. Alcorta v. Texas, 355 U.S. 28,
    31 (1957) (per curiam); Napue v. Illinois, 360 U.S. 264,
    269 (1959). These principles illustrate "the special role
    played by the American prosecutor in the search for truth
    in criminal trials." Strickler v. Greene, 527 U.S. 263,
    281 (1999). In our system, the prosecutor’s role
    "transcends that of an adversary; [the prosecutor] ‘is
    the representative not on an ordinary party to a
    controversy, but a sovereignty…whose interest…in a
    criminal prosecution is not that it shall win a case,
    but that justice shall be done.’" United States v. Bagley,
    473 U.S. 667, 675 (1985) (quoting Berger v. United States,
    295 U.S. 78, 88 (1935)).

    As you many now understand, without having solid and
    irrefutable evidence that my conviction was obtained by
    misbehaving (government) officials, any claim of such
    wrongdoing would be, under the law, ridiculous and a
    waste of time. The filing of a motion for a new trial,
    in my case, will be based on recently discovered evidence
    (undisclosed by the government at trial) proving such
    allegations. After the filing of the motion in a federal
    court, the evidence supporting my claim will be public
    record, and you, as well as many others, will receive a
    copy of such motion. Accordingly, I believe that at this
    time your radical position against the credibility of
    my cause is somewhat …premature?

    Your letter, however, has a profound value for my
    cause. For ordinary citizens, interest is a necessary
    condition of influence. When they communicate concerns
    with respect to the credibility of my allegations, they
    become more influential.

    Please receive my most sincere gratitude for your
    very welcome correspondence.

    Sincerely,

    Ramiro R. Muniz

    ******************

    http://www.freeramsey.com

  • Suit Charges Segregation by Language in Texas School

    MALDEF FILES SEGREGATION SUIT ON BEHALF OF LATINO CHILDREN

    Lawsuit alleges ESL used as a proxy to discriminate against minority students in Dallas public school

    SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS – Today, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF), the nation’s leading Latino legal organization, filed suit in federal district court against the Dallas Independent School District (DISD) and the principal of Preston Hollow Elementary School alleging civil rights violations by segregating and discriminating against
    Latino schoolchildren.
    The Latino parents represented by MALDEF, Organizacion para el Futuro de los Estudiantes
    (OFE), allege that Preston Hollow illegally uses its English as a Second Language program to
    segregate Latino and minority students from Anglo students, irrespective of their language
    abilities. The documents in the case show that Latino students who are proficient in English are,
    nonetheless, channeled into classes masked as “English as a Second Language.” Preston Hollow
    organizes its general education classes and even combines some grades to ensure that Anglo
    students, who comprise just 18 percent of the school, sit in majority white classrooms.

    “Fifty years after Brown v. the Board of Education, it is a shame that segregation continues to plague our schools,” said David Hinojosa, MALDEF staff attorney and lead counsel in the case.

    “Using ESL as a proxy to segregate schoolchildren can not be tolerated. This lawsuit is intended to send a message that there is no justification for any school to treat Latino students any differently than white students,” Hinojosa added.

    Ms. Lucresia Mayorga Santamaria, lead plaintiff and mother of three children attending Preston
    Hollow, stated “The school attempted to omit Latino children from the school brochure because
    they did not want the surrounding neighborhood to get the wrong impression. Well, I hope they
    all get this impression: we will not stand by any longer because our children deserve the same
    opportunities as all other children of Preston Hollow.”

    Calling on the leadership of Dallas ISD to now answer Latino parents’ calls for justice, Mr.
    Hinojosa added, “We condemn efforts such as these to keep white students together for the sake
    of deterring white flight. We call on the superintendent and the Dallas Board to swiftly end the
    segregation at Preston Hollow.”

    Founded in 1968, MALDEF, the nation’s premier Latino civil rights organization, promotes and protects the rights of Latinos through advocacy, litigation, community education and outreach, leadership development, and higher education scholarships.

    Press Release Received via email April 18, 2006

  • A Profile of Diane Wilson on Dec. 4, 2005

    Yes, the day before her arrest at a Republican fundraiser, Diane Wilson is profiled by Stephanie Hillier in this article at IndiaNest:

    When she learned in 1989 that her tiny Calhoun County in South Texas – with 15,000 residents – was named as the most polluted county in the US in a report of the US Environment Protection Agency’s Federal Toxic Release Inventory, her first action was simply to call a lawyer. Formosa Plastics – a Taiwanese company that had been driven from Taipei by a protest of 20,000 people – had built near Lavaca Bay in Calhoun the largest chemical plant in the US, and it was breaking all the rules for legal discharge of toxic wastes.

    The lawyer told her to call a meeting, which she did, and that’s hen she set forth on what has since become her life path. "When I first started fighting the corporations," she said, "people thought I was the wrong person for it. After five years I realized I was the perfect one for it because I had the passion to do it. It wasn’t theoretical stuff, it was my flesh and blood."

    When legal action against Formosa failed, Wilson went on her first hunger strike; and when that was not enough, she tried to sink her boat in the bay where Formosa discharged its toxic waste. That – and a protest by 200 Vietnamese fisherfolk – finally got Formosa’s attention, and the company agreed to go for zero discharge.

    "I truly believe that women are the key to the salvation of this planet, I really do. They have this concept of wholeness. I believe it is the female consciousness that is going to make the difference. Women will be the movement."