Category: Uncategorized

  • Now they Want no Public Access to Evaluation of Voting Machines

    ACLU Press Release received via email May 18.

    On Friday, the Senate may take up and vote on HB 2465 by Representative Denny, a bill that closes the recently opened meetings where the state’s voting machine examiners review
    voting technology.

    “We had to take the Secretary of State to court to make the agency abide by the Texas Open Meetings Act,” said Will Harrell of the ACLU of Texas. “Now, after a court declared that
    citizens do, in fact, have a right to see how the state certifies these machines, the Secretary of State wants the legislature to close the door again.”

    The ACLU of Texas and the Electronic Frontier Foundation filed suit under the Texas Open Meetings Act last year, and in January a Travis County judge found in favor of public
    access. The next meetings to certify voting equipment, scheduled for May 25th and 26th will be held in public.

    “If the Senate does not amend this bill, the May meetings may be the first and last time the public can watch the state’s certification meeting process,” said Adina Levin, Project
    Director for ACLU’s Cyberliberties Project. “That would be a terrible shame and a disservice to the computer security professionals, polling place volunteers, public interest groups, county administrators and others that have an interest in opening up this process.”

    Instead of allowing the public to attend the actual examiners meetings, the bill creates a public forum where members of the public can comment to the agency on voting machines.

    “A public forum is fine,” said Harrell, “and we appreciate that the Secretary of State has agreed that there should be public input. But this public forum does not replace the need for
    access to the meeting where the examiners look at the systems, question the venders, and deliberate with each other.”

    “The process for deciding which electronic voting machines are good enough for Texas is too important to be held behind closed doors,” said Levin. “If the public is watching, the
    examiners will do a better job, the vendors will be better prepared, and the Secretary of State will get better advice from both the examiners and from experts in the public who can intelligently comment.”

  • Texas Civil Rights Report Wrong in First Row

    Trying to Make Sense of Texas Civil Rights Accounting

    EEO Report: Working Note One

    Not sure how we ended up looking at Table One of the Feb. 2005 report from the Texas Workforce Commission Civil Rights Division, but we were puzzled from the start.

    At first, it didn’t seem strange that among an alleged 32.89 percent Hispanic American workers in the total workforce, only 15.2 percent were to be found in Administrative positions. Having studied Texas history, we could easily make sense of that.

    For these same reasons, neither did it seem strange that among an alleged 11.24 percent African American workers in the total workforce, only 7.1 percent were classified in Administration.

    But it was surely curious to find that among an alleged 84.30 percent Caucasian American workers in the total workforce, only 77.8 percent were in Administration. That was a shock on three counts.

    First of all, it meant that all categories of workers by race-ethnicity were under-represented in the Administrative classification, which is quite a statistical achievement to think about in Civil Rights history.

    Second, it meant that when you added up the total percentage of workers in the workforce, you got 84.3 Caucasian plus 11.24 African American plus 32.89 Hispanic American equals a workforce of 128.43 percent!

    Third, it meant that in a mandatory report to the state, the Texas Workforce Commission on Civil Rights couldn’t even get the first row of numbers right.

    And fourth, as we look at the twirling graphics at the TWC website announcing the new report posted Mar. 15 — we wonder, did anybody notice?

    It is not difficult to figure out what went wrong here. In the second number of the chart — percent Caucasian American in total workforce — somebody plugged in the percent you would get for White workers if you didn’t subtract out Whites of Hispanic origin. While this is the number reported for White by the bureau of labor statistics, it is a deceptive number to use for Civil Rights purposes under the heading of Caucasian American ethnicity.

    Note: on second reading, analysis in the next few paragraphs looks strange to us. We’d rather say, after further consideration, that better numbers were available from EEO reports, so why weren’t EEO reports used?

    If you derived percentages from the overlapping numbers of race-ethnicities actually reported in row one, you’d start with a total Caucasian workforce of 65.64 percent. And if you started this way, you would notice in the second row of Chart One that Caucasians who hold 77.8 percent of positions in Administration are over-represented by 12 percentage points.

    Furthermore, if you derive your first row percentages from the first row numbers provided for race-ethnicity, you’d find that the total workforce is not 32.89 percent Hispanic American as reported but 25.6.

    Misdirection on the percent of total Hispanic Americans in row one is instructive, because the percent reported there (32.89) matches pretty closely with the percentage that the US Census Bureau reports for the Hispanic population as a whole in Texas (32.0). Just reading along with the Texas Civil Rights Commission’s first chart, you’d think the Texas workforce had achieved parity in Hispanic employment.

    Ditto with the misdirection on African Americans. The 11.24 percent workforce shown matches up nicely with the 2000 census number of 12.0 percent Black Texas, which sure looks better than the 8.75 percent you’d have to publish in row one if you worked with the actual numbers in that same row.

    As for percentages Caucasian, the impression that Caucasians with 77.8 percent of Administrative jobs, share some kind of under-representation in Texas Administration is dispelled by knocking down the 83 percent total workforce figure to 65, as we have seen. But now look at the 2000 census percentage of Whites who are not Hispanic and the dramatic heft of white power weighs in with a 25 percentage point differential between total population (52 percent) and total Administration (77.8).

    Note: the preceding attempt to make sense of civil rights categories with non-civil rights numbers, although yielding results closer to the truth of the civil rights situation, employs methodologies that we do not recommend. Better to get the civil rights numbers from a proper civil rights source, rather than try to make bad numbers work for purposes they were never intended to serve.

    Enough with the misdirection, already. The whole stupid report should be tossed back to the alleged Commission on Civil Rights with an angry, loud, and resolute demand: give Texas citizens numbers that dignify the importance of Civil Rights in this state.

    The fact is that BLS numbers do not reflect either the categories of Caucasian or African American reported in table one, and the numbers are meaningless for a civil rights report.

    Click to access EEOrptsum205.pdf

    http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/48000.html

    Note: this was our first whack at the Civil Rights Report and it has some zest to it. But the analysis has been superseded by another day’s work.

  • A Gold Standard for Texas Education: Portales on Education

    Rita and Marco Portales. Quality Education for Latinos
    and Latinas: Print and Oral Skills for all Students, K-College. Austin:
    University of Texas Press, 2005.

    By Greg Moses

    Global Resistance Network / Dissident Voice / La Bloguerra

    This brand new release from two long-time Texas educators reminds us
    once again that the most important relationship in education is the one
    established in classrooms between teachers and students. If everyone in
    the education establishment from principal to governor could keep this
    single idea at the center of attention and organize their philosophies
    accordingly, then "quality education" would be a more likely result.

    "But few education systems are actually set up to empower teachers,"
    write Rita and Marco Portales, "and few endeavor to do everything
    possible to promote the one central relationship on which the education
    of the young either succeeds or fails."

    With the Texas legislature now convened in special session to solve
    the problem of public education — and with a Texas Supreme Court
    hearing on school funding coming up in early July — the new book by
    Portales and Portales might encourage a policy discussion organized
    around the central relationship of teachers and students in the
    classroom. Yet, in speeches and press releases by various stakeholders
    in the ‘school funding debate’ we see how far the language and
    organization of ideas have strayed from the gold standard encouraged by
    Portales and Portales.

    To comment on this article please visit the comment blog.

    A brief internet survey of important websites in the school funding
    debate shows a unanimous lack of coherence. Everyone is already
    speaking in mid-stride, huffing and puffing to draw the breath they
    need today, but nowhere do we find anyone taking the needed time to
    mark the course that needs to be run in terms of educational ideas.
    This made-in-Texas book therefore arrives right on time.

    It is not too late for stakeholders in the debate over public
    schools to state clearly how their various strategies for school
    budgets express coherent philosophies of education. And with that
    challenge in mind, it is not too late for all discussants to respect
    the considered opinions of two experienced Texas educators and scholars
    who argue that in the archaeology of education, we need to organize our
    policy around the single most important idea: that education finds its
    proper foundation in the transaction, the relationship, the encounter
    between students and teachers in the classroom. The cost of NOT
    recovering this idea is quite high.

    "Since many young people are not being taught how to use the
    energies of their minds to solve problems, many learn to face life
    indifferently, or, worse, some even develop a desire to destroy what is
    around them," write Portales and Portales. "Often they turn to living
    by seeing what they can get away with instead of learning from their
    errors, improving both themselves and society by employing their
    energies for the public good."

    In passages such as these, Portales and Portales remind us that when
    we organize our ideas for public education we in fact lay the framework
    for the social health of the people. The Portales gold standard — by
    emphasizing the nourishment of one crucial human relationship — begins
    to suggest how an exhausted political economy of human relationships
    can be refreshed. Is it idealistic to speak this way? If we think first
    about the kinds of relationships we want to see between students and
    teachers, why would we not want a robust idealism to flourish?

    The Idea

    "The idea," say Portales and Portales, "is to promote ideas that
    most people embrace hypothetically but few are in a positions to
    implement, mainly because the bureaucratic ways that are often in place
    keep our education system from benefiting all students."

    Instead of tending to the student-teacher relationship as the gold
    standard of public life, Texas has drifted with the rest of the USA
    into the care and feeding of other social relationships: cops and
    criminals, prisoners and guards. While we spy with suspicion money
    spent to support other people’s education, we applaud without
    hesitation political initiatives to further criminalize and incarcerate
    (see Gitmo, Texas below.) Furthermore, as mandatory punishments rise
    and budgets for rehabilitation fall, the relationship between officer
    and citizen has been intensified in its harshness.

    In our encounters with the Portales gold standard therefore, we are
    challenged to ask each other: do we believe anymore in the redemptions
    of human relationships, or are we going to continue pounding each other
    into oblivion? And if we believe we ought to be making a turn toward
    hope and education are we going to put our money where our mouths are?

    The problem with the bad faith of social trends today is that it is
    really too easy to see how many of us and our so-called political
    leaders have become the grown-up students of bad education: "facing
    life indifferently — seeing what [we] can get away with." As a public
    we have forgotten how to dream of better selves in better days,
    refusing to gamble on the significant lottery of human potential.
    Instead, the lotto tickets that are supposed to raise education money
    signify all the chances that we are not willing to gamble directly on
    education itself.

    "People may disagree," write Portales and Portales, "but we believe
    the reasons there are so many problems today is that the educations
    received by our own citizens, including the current forty- to
    sixty-five-year-old group of people, have been inadequate for the needs
    of society. If people had been properly educated to respect others in
    previous generations, we would have considerably fewer problems today.
    For good leadership seeks to lessen the problems and to smooth out the
    paths as much as possible, keeping problems to a minimum. If we spent
    more time as a society addressing problems before issues turn into
    crises, fewer people would be in jail, and we would have less graft,
    dishonesty, corruption, and selfishness. We would then be engaged in
    producing more law-respecting citizens." (Who, we might add, would be
    nurtured by more citizen-respecting laws.)

    Because I have worked with Professor Marco Portales as a colleague,
    I can hear in the quote above a complaint about the friction that
    educators feel when they campaign for curricula of inclusive human
    respect — the much-derided multicultural movement. Teachers who have
    worked the fields of education in Texas (and elsewhere) know the
    palpable, career-disabling resistance that one can feel when insisting
    that education should lead (not follow) social trends of human respect
    and toleration. Educators have a duty to resist age-old social habits
    of ethnocentric exclusion. The fruits of education’s refusal to be more
    aggressive on this front become for Portales part of the explanation
    for the political framework that continues to freeze out progressive
    education for Latinas y Latinos today.

    For classroom teachers themselves, Portales and Portales offer a
    pedagogical plan centered upon "print and oral skills." What is
    important about this pedagogy for readers who are not teachers is the
    relational commitment needed to practice this pedagogy. In other words,
    there is just no substitute for teachers spending time with a student
    — each and every student. In the end, what this means for educational
    policy is that the time teachers have to spend with stud
    ents is the
    heartbeat that animates the priorities of any budget.

    The Effect

    I wonder if there is some way to calculate how various budgets
    affect the contact time with teachers measured on a per-student basis?
    I do see lots of claims made by budget makers that they have put "the
    children first", but in the Portales gold standard we may have a method
    for quantifying what that means. A budget that puts "children first"
    will be a budget that measures contact time that will be made available
    for each and every student. Class size may offer a rough approximation,
    but class size figures do not reflect the weights of non-teaching
    burdens that are placed on teachers in a given day. In order to keep
    the Portales gold standard in mind, we may want to specify
    teaching-contact hours.

    Keeping attendance records, making out grade reports, filing lesson
    plans, attending meetings, reading memos, filling out surveys, all
    these things may be counted as "teaching" on some scale, but not on the
    Portales gold standard, because none of these activities involve the
    crucial relationship of educational contact between teacher and student.

    The Governor’s press release of June 21 promises a budget that will
    be: "helping teachers and rewarding schools with large numbers of
    economically disadvantaged students that succeed. And it provides
    stronger accountability measures, so more money will go directly to the
    classroom and more taxpayers will know exactly what gets spent in the
    classroom." If the Governor is talking in terms that we can translate
    into the Portales gold standard, then his office should be able to
    state clearly, what difference in contact hours will the plan enable?

    In the practical experience of teaching, policy announcements about
    "accountability measures" signify distractions from student contact
    that intensify pressure upon teachers to show more results for spending
    less time with students. Furthermore, "accountability measures" also
    mean that students are more likely to be compared with each other
    according to increasingly abstract scales of development that prevent
    teachers from exploring and nurturing the individualized potentials
    that may be discovered in each and every student talent.

    Teachers reading the Governor’s promise to "reward" schools who
    "succeed" with "economically disadvantaged students" may notice that
    the Governor says nothing about providing resources to make those
    successes possible in the first place. Comparing what the Governor says
    with what he does not say, teachers may very well conclude that when it
    comes to the education of "economically disadvantaged students" the
    Governor is handing down a reform that in the jargon of labor history
    will count as "speed up" — the technique of increasing productivity by
    asking workers to exhaust themselves in a shorter period of time.

    The Challenge

    For Portales and Portales however, the pedagogy of "print and oral
    skills" involves so much teacher time, because the skills to be
    developed are so multi-dimensional. In the interpretive relationship
    between "print" and student, between student and "oral skills" one
    encounters galaxies of possibility in which the teacher must prepare to
    lead and to be led. In students, the engaged teacher finds the usual
    counterproductive resistance to education, so the teacher must continue
    to lead. But from students, the involved teacher also learns from
    constructive resistance, too. The teacher who has no time to change
    course cannot have time to teach — that is, if teaching is an actual
    relationship with a student.

    So the general problem of education — that we are usually missing
    the main idea in our adult policy battles — comes to rub especially
    hard against students for whom the ethnocentric habits of public
    education (K-college) have never found the flexibility to respect. To
    engage Latino and Latina students as a group (exceptions such as
    Richard Rodriguez notwithstanding) teachers have to be ready to change
    course. And policy makers have to be prepared to follow the teachers
    who are following the students. But alas, this is quite the opposite of
    what anybody (including the Governor) means when they talk about
    "student centered" education. In the world that we live in today, any
    teacher caught following students will be disciplined and punished. But
    we digress from the student center.

    ”Aside from the discouragement that most students of color feel from
    teaching approaches that do not encourage them to master school
    disciplines, we need to understand that white students are usually more
    successful in school precisely because they are adequately taught to
    read, think, write, and talk in closely related ways that do not
    require the kind of language adjustments that Hispanic and other
    minority students have to make between the home environment and
    school.” In other words for white students as a class, the relationship
    between education and world is much less of a puzzle to be solved. And
    white folks who have done well in such environments (lawyers and
    legislators) cannot even begin to conceive what the experience of
    “disconnection” would mean.

    The so-called “inherent” usefulness of a curriculum is in fact
    historically embedded in ways that very few folks take the time to
    understand. Where the obviousness of the value of education is not
    reflected and reinforced in the student’s world of experience, then the
    value has to be problematized as part of the education. But typical
    education practice merely insists upon orders from high above that all
    students must be brought into unproblematic relations with existing
    curricula, and this is quite different from insisting that all students
    must be educated.

    In their proposal of a "print and oral skills" pedagogy, Portales
    and Portales seek to demonstrate (one more time) that if profound
    education is to become more widely shared among students, it must also
    become more multidimensional and flexible. But for all this to happen
    on a massive scale, teachers must be empowered to teach from within the
    relationships they establish with their students. This is one reason
    why policy makers cannot ignore what Portales and Portales insist —
    that pedagogies are to be adopted by teachers for students.

    "The purpose of the print and oral approach in education is to impart a new kind of confidence
    to all students," write Portales and Portales. "This confidence needs
    to rest not only on a teacher’s assessment of students’ work, but
    increasingly on the students’ sense that they are now being
    successfully taught how to interpret and analyze all forms of written
    language and the signs and symbols that are used to communicate
    throughout society and the world. Students should also be convinced
    that the knowledge and skills they acquire are showing them how to
    express themselves clearly, both orally and in writing."

    What it All Comes Down To

    I think I know what Portales and Portales are talking about here. At
    a recent public hearing in Austin, a predominately Latino/Latina
    community gathered to meet city officials concerning an 18-year-old who
    had been killed by police. During a five hour hearing, the
    intelligence, knowledge, and wisdom of the community was placed on
    public display. Yet the hearing was portrayed as a kind of noise or
    collective emotion. Nobody was really listening to the community.
    Instead, the value of the "hearing" was said to lie in the ability of
    the community to be "instructed" as a group by the power figures of the
    city. Yet the community was not capable of being "instructed" and for
    very good reasons. What counted for "instruction" by power figures was
    interpreted as bullshit. In fact the "instruction" made no sense.

    But during the hearing, visitors were

    treated to oral presentations
    by many of the peers who shared with the 18-year-old victim some
    histories of crime and probation. The wit, wisdom, and eloquence of
    these speakers was stunning. As I watched the long night of
    presentations, I often thought to myself, where are the college
    recruiters? When presented with a problem relevant to their life world,
    there was nothing to corroborate official studies that would mark these
    speakers as deficient. In fact, they were exemplary. And my fear today
    resides in the thought that these brilliant thinkers and speakers, so
    full of youthful freshness and sass, would soon enough be tossed aside
    by a social order incapable of changing directions.

    I apologize if my example is too subversive to help the book sales
    or political influence of the work to be found in Quality Education for
    Latinas and Latinos. Why those peers of Daniel Rocha were on probation
    rather than honor roll is the best reason that I can think of for why
    the legislature should put up or shut up without any further delay. Any
    teacher worth the name would love to have that talent in class. It is
    time for Texas policy makers to come up with the funds to support those
    teachers and then get out of their way.

  • Worst in Show: Grooming Homophobia for the Leash

    By Greg Moses

    What is Texas competing for when it produces stories like this for international consumption?

    By Natalie Gott (AP) Texas could become the only state to bar gays from becoming foster parents under legislation passed Wednesday by the House.

    We find it astonishing that the sponsor of the foster care amendment — Rep. Robert Talton of Pasadena — would actually look for one more way to stink up his district. But fhew! Folks are smelling this one coast to coast.

    By contrast, consider what a New York Times editorial says about Connecticut:

    In the past 15 years, Connecticut has protected gays and lesbians under hate-crime, employment and housing laws, and allowed unmarried couples to raise adopted children. Just as civil union was the next logical step, so may the term marriage be finally extended someday.

    The new Connecticut law establishing civil unions for gay and lesbian couples was signed by a Republican Governor who shows signs of belonging to a party worthy of Lincoln.

    As we argued in our earlier commentary against the Bill to Constitutionalize Homophobia in Texas state-sponsored homophobia is a dumb thing to advertise if state leaders are serious about attracting and retaining top talent in a competitive world.

    But more than this, our homophobic pandering of the 21st Century feels a whole lot like the civil-rights baiting of the 20th. And this means that Texas has failed to tend to vital questions of social health.

    Responsibility for this lack of maturity must be widely shared in cowardly leadership across institutions of education, media, and church. For more of our cautionary analysis of these visceral traditions see Texas Templates of Imbalanced Power.

    Like a sick puppy at an international fair, Texas homophobia places worst in show. Not only is it embarrassing, but there’s something quasi-criminal in the motive of a groomer who trots out the spectacle on a leash.