Category: Uncategorized

  • How Texas Fails to Serve Bilingual Students: Closing Argument Part Two

    In Part Two of his closing argument in the school funding trial, attorney David Hinojosa of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) focuses on Texas’ failures to meet needs of bilingual students.

    While the equity gap has negatively affected our property poor districts as a whole, the limited English proficiency students, also known as English language learners, also do not have the opportunity to achieve their full potential because of the insufficient bilingual education allotment.

    The Edgewood intervenors offered three recognized experts, documenting a myriad of way that the State fails to meet the needs of LEP students, both in rich and poor districts. The State could offer no expert in its defense. The evidence overwhelmingly established that the State has failed to treat these LEP students equitably and adequately.

    Texas recognizes that districts require more resources in order to provide an access to a quality education for LEP children, and in fact, provides them with a .10 weight to the adjusted basic allotment. But the level of the weight to bring our LEP children to the achievement standard set in Texas and in our nation is grossly inadequate and unsupported by any research in Texas or in any other state or by the testimony of any of the superintendents in this case or by any of the experts in this case.

    In fact, it was arbitrarily set at such a weight. The evidence indisputably shows that studies were commissioned by the State as early as 1974 and again in 1984 and as late as 1989, in order to find out what additional resources are required to provide a quality education to LEP children.

    And in each of these studies, the suggested minimal weight was between .38 and .4 in order to provide these children with a minimally accredited education as defined. But the .38 and .4 weights, in and of themselves, were very conservative and actually discounted to provide those children with an adequate education.

    Districts like the Edgewood intervenors are responsible for educating a much higher percentage of the LEP children compared to the state average on inadequate bilingual education funding, and it’s disproportionately borne by such districts.

    For example, while the state average LEP population was roughly 15 percent for the year 2003, Edgewood ISD’s LEP population was 22.3 percent. Pharr-San Juan-Alamo’s LEP population was at 37.4 percent, San Elizario was 53.1 percent, and Laredo ISD was 59.9 percent.

    Three out of five children in Laredo ISD are LEP. The State’s own witnesses said that all students, regardless of race, ethnicity, language in the home, including LEP, all students must meet the State minimal criteria under standardized tests.

    But the State’s failure to provide districts with sufficient resources, as the evidence showed in order to provide the LEP children with an adequate education, has led to dreadful achievement results in Texas.

    For the 2002-2003 TAKS, all tests taken, at two SEMs below panel recommendations, fifth graders passed the English test at a meager 31.8 percent. On the LEP Spanish test it was 31.9 percent versus the State average of 55.9 percent

    .

    For the eighth graders, only one quarter of the LEP in the state passed the all test standard, while the state average was 69.9 percent. For the eleventh graders, only 15.2 percent of the LEP passed, while the state average was 49.8 percent.

    And it’s a peculiar thing about these scores that we have just shown. The state averages aren’t impressive in and of themselves, with one in three failing to pass all the TAKS subject area tests in the fifth grade and almost that same amount for the eighth grade and just under one-half of the eleventh graders in the state averaged half. Yet the LEP scores still fell far below those scores for the state.

    For the 2004 TAKS, all tests, at one SEM below, the fifth grade LEPs passed at merely a 27 percent. The state average was 62 percent, eight graders at 21 percent for the LEP, results for the eleventh graders was was an abysmal 24 percent versus the state average of 32 percent. These gross disparities in achievement reflect the State’s neglect of educating our LEP population.

    The State went so far as to claim that these abysmal pass rates for LEP were practically expected, that it wasn’t an alarming outcome for them, LEP children are supposed to perform poorly because the children are what they are, they’re limited in English language, no matter exactly how poorly they performed.

    But the funny thing is that the only LEPs who take the TAKS test, whether in English or Spanish, are the LEP children who have been cleared to be ready to take the test by their language proficiency advisory committee, people who have evaluated the children and said yes, they’re ready to take the test. So only the more prepared, the more competent LEPs are taking the TAKS test, but are still failing because of the insufficient funding provided by the State.

    And the State also attempted to argue that LEPs are mostly immigrants, they just got here into this country, and that is, you know, partly attributable to the poor performance by LEPs in Spanish taking the test. Yet over 50,000 of the 200,000 students who took the RPTE were here in the U.S. at least five years, and 70 percent of those students had been here at least three years.

    Now, when the State has provided additional resources to school districts above and beyond the weights, LEPs have shown that they can close the gap. Looking at the third grade test results the superintendents and state witnesses testified that when substantial additional resources would being poured in, the achievement gap between LEPs in all students tested and the state average was reduced considerably.

    For the 2002-2003 school year, the LEPs taking the English version scored at 72.1 percent, passing all tests, and on the Spanish test passed at 72.7 percent, only 12 points behind the state average. For the 2003-2004 school year, all tests passing rates were not available, but looking at the reading in March administration, 82 percent of the LEPs met the one SEM standard on the English version. And for the Spanish grade three reading, 83 percent met the one SEM, versus the state average of 91 percent. And the math test scores reflected only 5 percent difference on the English test and 10 percent difference between LEPs and the state average on the Spanish test.

    So yes, money can and does make a difference. But for most of the other grade levels, superintendent after superintendent testified how they needed tremendous amounts of additional resources to address the needs of the growing LEP population.

    Dr. Forgione, Dr. Moses, Dr. Sconzo of the West Orange-Cove plaintiffs voiced these concerns, as did each of the Edgewood superintendents from the focus districts. They expressed concerns about needing funds to recruit and hire certified bilingual ed teachers, to train all Teachers and administrators to work with LEPs, to have smaller class sizes to address the needs of LEPs, summer school remediation programs, instructional resources and assessments, full day programs for preschool aged children.

    Even Commissioner Neeley, herself, testified that she established 12 newcomer centers throughout her district to address the needs of recent immigrants. Most of our districts can’t afford the costs for these types of centers, with the limited bilingual funds provided by the State.

    And the lack of sufficient bilingual funds also is reflected in the high dropout rates for LEP students and the pitifully low graduation rates. Taking the State numbers as is for the 2001-2002 school year — even though there has been evidence offered in this case which clearly showed that those numbers are severely underestimated and in fact, misleading — the LEP graduation rate was a mere 53.4 percent compared to the state average of 82.8 percent. And the four-year dro

    p out rate was 20 percent compared to the state average of 5 percent.

    Each and every school district and the bilingual experts testified that they were unable to provide all of the elements required for an adequate bilingual education for students within their districts, even with additional federal funds.

    And the State seems to expect the federal government to supplant rather than supplement their duty to educate the children. The TEA bilingual director, herself, stated that the State without federal money would need to increase the weight to at least .3 in order to provide the eight elements of an adequate bilingual education. That’s rising from a .1 to a .3, clearly showing that the bilingual weight is insufficient.

    Each of the bilingual experts and superintendents testified that the needs of bilingual students are in addition and different from the needs of economically disadvantaged students. The needs of a child who does not speak English in the home are very different from the needs of a child coming from a low income family.

    The teaching methods required are different. The materials required are different. The literacy coaches required are different, among many other differences. One must caution that the group of limited English proficiency students is growing and is expected to grow and the population of LEP children in Texas has now climbed to 15 percent of children in Texas, almost one out of six.

    So by failing to provide a constitutionally adequate bilingual education to our children, we’re also failing our communities and our state.

    And a few will attempt to explain the achievement differences. Among its experts, the State called Dr. Armor, the State’s hired expert witness, who said that, on average, minorities and economically disadvantaged children and LEP children cannot achieve at the same levels as whites. Even with additional resources, Dr. Armor stated that minorities and children in poverty cannot achieve at the same level as whites.

    And in his analysis he controlled for LEP and economically disadvantaged students. But in our standards in Texas, we don’t control or allow for different standards to meet the TAKS standards, whether you’re black or white or brown. You just have to meet them.

    Another thing that Dr. Armor mentioned was that high poverty and LEP at the secondary level have a much higher likelihood that they will drop out and leave our system. And the overwhelming evidence in this case also showed our State’s failure to provide an appropriate and adequate compensatory education weight in order to provide for our at-risk children to have access to meaningful opportunities through a quality education.

  • Vo Still Standing: Challenger Should Withdraw

    By Greg Moses

    ILCA Online / IndyMedia Houston , North Texas, Austin

    While it may be another week before the Master of Discovery releases a report on the challenge brought against the election of Texas State Rep. Hubert Vo (D-Houston), informal signs indicate that the challenge will fail. In fact, given irregularities discovered in voter questionnaires that have been returned by the challenger with two kinds of ink and two kinds of handwriting, it would seem best if the challenger gracefully withdrew as soon as possible.

    By the time that Master of Discovery Will Hartnett (R-Dallas) called the first break on the second day of hearings Friday, it would have been clear to him that the challenge had failed. That was the point at which he had completed his review of voter depositions. While his case-by-case assessment of depositions resulted in a net loss of some 20 votes from Vo’s 33-vote election victory, his informal rulings would not have reversed the outcome.

    So it is significant that when Hartnett returned from the break on Friday morning, he advised the parties that he was attempting to contact the chair and vice-chair of the special legislative committee in charge of hearing the challenge. Only a few minutes later, Harnett called another quick break.

    When Hartnett returned from the second break Friday morning, he announced that he had just taken the second phone call verifying that both the chair and vice-chair of the committee would endorse his intention to rely strictly on deposition testimony and consider only those votes that were improperly cast and where the identity of the candidate was specified.

    Hartnett spent the rest of the day collecting information on the total number of illegal votes cast and listening to an argument that the effect of the total illegal ballots could be extrapolated. While he said he would forward those raw materials to his colleagues in the Texas House, the Master of Discovery said he would not put any weight on those matters in formal recommendations that he says will be reported one week from Monday.

    Of course, it is possible that Hartnett will change his mind about many things in the coming week as he considers one last round of briefs due by Monday afternoon. And it is possible that when the vote goes to the floor of the legislature, Hartnett’s recommendations will not be decisive. But preliminary signs show that after a very close election victory, recount, and legislative challenge, Vo will be allowed to make history as the first Vietnamese immigrant to serve in the Texas legislature and the first Democrat to represent an increase in that party’s representation at the statehouse since the 1970s.

    Also, the House may vote to side with the challenger under the argument that the total number of illegal votes exceeds the margin of electoral victory, and Hartnett has said he will present his best estimate of that total, which may exceed 100. But Vo attorney Larry Veselka argues that the large number of “undervotes” characteristic of the “down ballot” race, prevents an assumption that any number of illegal ballots would have affected this race. A deposition would be needed from every illegal voter to find out whether they voted in the race and who they voted for. Hartnett agrees.

    If legislators agree to throw out an election, because the total number of illegal ballots exceeds the margin of victory, they would ensure themselves a robust future of election challenges in any close race. As hearings in this case have amply demonstrated, since election days are fraught with some number of illegal votes, it may not be that difficult to identify hundreds in any given case.

    While an attorney for the challenger has argued that illegal votes made the difference in this race, the argument depends upon an assumption that more illegal votes would be cast on one side rather than another. But on what basis does one make the case that Vo votes are substantially more illegal than others? This is where suspicions arise that some amount of racism may be involved in this election challenge.

    The challenger notes that voting margins switch sides when early ballots are compared to election-day votes. The challenger won the early vote, but lost on election day. The challenger intensifies the racism of his allegation against Vo voters when he alleges that the best account for the election-day reversal depends upon illegal voting. It is an allegation that leaps over other possible accounts of election day turnout to criminalize Vo voters who largely represent the “South side” of the district. In this case, it is the challenger who replicates longstanding cultural patterns, where “North side” folks exhibit malicious attitudes toward southsiders.

    The provocative nature of the challenger’s campaign was illustrated Friday afternoon when, under questioning from Hartnett, the challenger’s lead attorney backed down from his public allegations of massive voter fraud. In fact, said the attorney, he didn’t even TRY to substantiate that allegation. Observers are warranted in concluding that when Northside lawyers accuse Southside people of massive fraud and then don’t even try to back up their allegation, that the only evidence in play is stereotype.

    While some voters may have voted twice, including a voter who went for the challenger, the only other pattern of possible election fraud was found by Hartnett during the hearing itself. In about four or five cases, Vo voters had been “deported” to another House district by means of forged voter registrations that changed their addresses, despite the fact that they never moved.

    One other pattern of irregularity was also detected by the hawk-eyed Hartnett. Deposition questionnaires had been returned by the challenger with two sets of ink and two styles of handwriting. Some questions, it would appear, had not actually been completed by the voter. What Hartnett will do with this discovery remains to be seen, but it would make a fine reason for the challenger to gracefully close this process within the week.

    Desperation of the challenger was also painfully revealed in so-called expert testimony from a Republican pollster who said that the results of the depositions could be extrapolated into a statistical trend. Suppose you went to a pollster and said, I have contacted 500 Texans and asked them what they think, can you tell me what this says about all Texans? And then suppose the pollster said, without any further questions, oh this is easy, you simply multiply your known numbers by an amount that will give you the total voting population. The pollster would be put our of business for this kind of behavior, yet that is exactly how he suggested one should handle the known pattern of illegal votes, simply multiply them to the total. This is “junk science” indeed. Hartnett admitted the testimony, but the cum laude Harvard graduate said he will give it no weight.

    View Hartnett taking note of the differences in ink and handwriting in depositions submitted by challenger at video of Friday morning’s hearing at 1:26:30 – 1:31:40 and 1:35:00 – 1:38:10.

    http://www.tlc.state.tx.us/legal/elec_contests.html

  • Irwin Tang's Profile of Vo in AsianWeek.Com

    Don’t know how we missed this the first time around. But this morning I was clicking through link referrals to the Texas Civil Rights Review and found (via dogpile) this Irwin Tang profile of Hubert Vo at AsianWeek.Com.

    Hubert Vo: Universal Immigrant (Jan. 14, 2005)

  • Go for Vo: To Austin Jan. 11

    By Greg Moses

    Zzine News

    IndyMedia Houston / Austin / North Texas / NYC / LA

    Texas Aggies love to say

    that Highway Six runs both ways. At Beechnut St. in Houston, Highway Six runs into the rest of the

    world.

    Of 6,000 people living in the neighborhood at the Southeast corner of Highway

    Six and Beechnut, 47 percent were born outside the USA. About half of them have become citizens,

    according to the US Census Bureau (Census 2000, Tract 4539).

    “Hubert Vo does represent

    District 149,” says Rogene Gee Calvert, speaking by cell phone about the newly elected state

    representative for the district that includes Highway Six between Interstate 10 and Beechnut. “It is a

    district with many first generation immigrants like Hubert, and they feel like he understands their

    issues.”

    Calvert is president of the Houston 80-20 Asian American Political Action

    Committee. During the campaign season, 80-20 endorsed Vo, knocked on doors for him, placed ads in

    Asian media, and sent out campaign literature in five Asian languages. Now, with Vo’s slim electoral

    victory being challenged in the Texas Legislature, Calvert is organizing to keep Vo in

    office.

    “We do not want to see his victory stolen away,” says Calvert. On Vo’s behalf,

    Calvert is helping with a petition drive that aims to collect 10,000 signatures, and she is organizing

    a delegation of Vo supporters that will appear in his behalf at the Legislature’s inauguration day,

    Jan. 11.

    According to sources close to Vo, the newly-elected rep is spending his days

    with the people who elected him, listening again before he begins working in Austin.

    “He

    has an apartment in Austin, but he has his hands full back in the district,” reports our source. “His

    schedule is as tight as it was in the campaign.” On Tuesday Vo attended a holiday party with the Alief

    Super Neighborhood Council, a civic group that he belonged to before he decided to run.

    “Oh, yes, I have seen him several times this month at different functions,” says 80-20 communications

    chair Steven Pei. “He’s doing his homework.”

    “It’s also important to stress that

    Hubert has grassroots support from other communities as well,” says Pei. “Hubert has support among

    Africans, African Americans, Hispanics, and Anglos.”

    “We felt that Hubert represented

    the community best,” says Calvert as she explains an endorsement process which requires a two-thirds

    majority from 80-20 participants. “He has been successful in his own life, and he was running a

    successful campaign. We took those to be good indications that he would also be a successful voice for

    us in the legislature.”

    80-20, explains Calvert, gets its name from a concept that

    assumes any group of people will have 20 percent of its population loyal to one side of the political

    spectrum and another 20 percent loyal to the other side. The challenge then becomes one of moving the

    middle 60 percent to one side or the other to create an 80-20 bloc. In some races, 80-20 moves the

    middle toward Republicans, in other races, like Vo’s, the middle moves toward a

    Democrat.

    In the legislature, Calvert and Pei want Vo’s help in passing a bill that would

    give definition and funding to a Southwest Chinatown area East of Vo’s district. You can see a

    colorful map of the area at, where else, chinatownmap.com (see link below).

    “We want to

    promote the area as a major tourist attraction,” says Calvert. But the area needs work first,

    especially with lighting, police protection, and other infrastructure.

    “Safety of the

    community is the number one issue that keeps coming up at our meetings,” says Pei. “People want more

    security in their neighborhoods.”

    Meanwhile a source close to the Vo camp says that the

    election challenge is “just chugging along” as the parties inspect about 200 names of voters that

    Republicans allege cast illegal ballots.

    “We have to see if their ballots were actually

    illegal and who they voted for,” reports the source.

    But it seems that a larger wisdom

    should prevail when the challenge hits the chambers of the legislature. Does Texas want to understand

    and develop the issues that work best for immigrants like Vo, create a Southwest Chinatown, and extend

    Highway Six as a global highway that runs both ways? I don’t see why not.

    Why not go

    for Vo? It’s a simple thing to say, and a smart thing to do for Texas.

    NOTE: 80-20

    President Rogene Gee Calvert can be reached by cell phone at 832-723-4508.

    See the map

    of Southwest Chinatown

    at:
    http://www.chinatownmap.com/houstonswchinatownmap.htm