Category: Uncategorized

  • A Gold Standard for Texas Education: Portales on Education

    Rita and Marco Portales. Quality Education for Latinos
    and Latinas: Print and Oral Skills for all Students, K-College. Austin:
    University of Texas Press, 2005.

    By Greg Moses

    Global Resistance Network / Dissident Voice / La Bloguerra

    This brand new release from two long-time Texas educators reminds us
    once again that the most important relationship in education is the one
    established in classrooms between teachers and students. If everyone in
    the education establishment from principal to governor could keep this
    single idea at the center of attention and organize their philosophies
    accordingly, then "quality education" would be a more likely result.

    "But few education systems are actually set up to empower teachers,"
    write Rita and Marco Portales, "and few endeavor to do everything
    possible to promote the one central relationship on which the education
    of the young either succeeds or fails."

    With the Texas legislature now convened in special session to solve
    the problem of public education — and with a Texas Supreme Court
    hearing on school funding coming up in early July — the new book by
    Portales and Portales might encourage a policy discussion organized
    around the central relationship of teachers and students in the
    classroom. Yet, in speeches and press releases by various stakeholders
    in the ‘school funding debate’ we see how far the language and
    organization of ideas have strayed from the gold standard encouraged by
    Portales and Portales.

    To comment on this article please visit the comment blog.

    A brief internet survey of important websites in the school funding
    debate shows a unanimous lack of coherence. Everyone is already
    speaking in mid-stride, huffing and puffing to draw the breath they
    need today, but nowhere do we find anyone taking the needed time to
    mark the course that needs to be run in terms of educational ideas.
    This made-in-Texas book therefore arrives right on time.

    It is not too late for stakeholders in the debate over public
    schools to state clearly how their various strategies for school
    budgets express coherent philosophies of education. And with that
    challenge in mind, it is not too late for all discussants to respect
    the considered opinions of two experienced Texas educators and scholars
    who argue that in the archaeology of education, we need to organize our
    policy around the single most important idea: that education finds its
    proper foundation in the transaction, the relationship, the encounter
    between students and teachers in the classroom. The cost of NOT
    recovering this idea is quite high.

    "Since many young people are not being taught how to use the
    energies of their minds to solve problems, many learn to face life
    indifferently, or, worse, some even develop a desire to destroy what is
    around them," write Portales and Portales. "Often they turn to living
    by seeing what they can get away with instead of learning from their
    errors, improving both themselves and society by employing their
    energies for the public good."

    In passages such as these, Portales and Portales remind us that when
    we organize our ideas for public education we in fact lay the framework
    for the social health of the people. The Portales gold standard — by
    emphasizing the nourishment of one crucial human relationship — begins
    to suggest how an exhausted political economy of human relationships
    can be refreshed. Is it idealistic to speak this way? If we think first
    about the kinds of relationships we want to see between students and
    teachers, why would we not want a robust idealism to flourish?

    The Idea

    "The idea," say Portales and Portales, "is to promote ideas that
    most people embrace hypothetically but few are in a positions to
    implement, mainly because the bureaucratic ways that are often in place
    keep our education system from benefiting all students."

    Instead of tending to the student-teacher relationship as the gold
    standard of public life, Texas has drifted with the rest of the USA
    into the care and feeding of other social relationships: cops and
    criminals, prisoners and guards. While we spy with suspicion money
    spent to support other people’s education, we applaud without
    hesitation political initiatives to further criminalize and incarcerate
    (see Gitmo, Texas below.) Furthermore, as mandatory punishments rise
    and budgets for rehabilitation fall, the relationship between officer
    and citizen has been intensified in its harshness.

    In our encounters with the Portales gold standard therefore, we are
    challenged to ask each other: do we believe anymore in the redemptions
    of human relationships, or are we going to continue pounding each other
    into oblivion? And if we believe we ought to be making a turn toward
    hope and education are we going to put our money where our mouths are?

    The problem with the bad faith of social trends today is that it is
    really too easy to see how many of us and our so-called political
    leaders have become the grown-up students of bad education: "facing
    life indifferently — seeing what [we] can get away with." As a public
    we have forgotten how to dream of better selves in better days,
    refusing to gamble on the significant lottery of human potential.
    Instead, the lotto tickets that are supposed to raise education money
    signify all the chances that we are not willing to gamble directly on
    education itself.

    "People may disagree," write Portales and Portales, "but we believe
    the reasons there are so many problems today is that the educations
    received by our own citizens, including the current forty- to
    sixty-five-year-old group of people, have been inadequate for the needs
    of society. If people had been properly educated to respect others in
    previous generations, we would have considerably fewer problems today.
    For good leadership seeks to lessen the problems and to smooth out the
    paths as much as possible, keeping problems to a minimum. If we spent
    more time as a society addressing problems before issues turn into
    crises, fewer people would be in jail, and we would have less graft,
    dishonesty, corruption, and selfishness. We would then be engaged in
    producing more law-respecting citizens." (Who, we might add, would be
    nurtured by more citizen-respecting laws.)

    Because I have worked with Professor Marco Portales as a colleague,
    I can hear in the quote above a complaint about the friction that
    educators feel when they campaign for curricula of inclusive human
    respect — the much-derided multicultural movement. Teachers who have
    worked the fields of education in Texas (and elsewhere) know the
    palpable, career-disabling resistance that one can feel when insisting
    that education should lead (not follow) social trends of human respect
    and toleration. Educators have a duty to resist age-old social habits
    of ethnocentric exclusion. The fruits of education’s refusal to be more
    aggressive on this front become for Portales part of the explanation
    for the political framework that continues to freeze out progressive
    education for Latinas y Latinos today.

    For classroom teachers themselves, Portales and Portales offer a
    pedagogical plan centered upon "print and oral skills." What is
    important about this pedagogy for readers who are not teachers is the
    relational commitment needed to practice this pedagogy. In other words,
    there is just no substitute for teachers spending time with a student
    — each and every student. In the end, what this means for educational
    policy is that the time teachers have to spend with stud
    ents is the
    heartbeat that animates the priorities of any budget.

    The Effect

    I wonder if there is some way to calculate how various budgets
    affect the contact time with teachers measured on a per-student basis?
    I do see lots of claims made by budget makers that they have put "the
    children first", but in the Portales gold standard we may have a method
    for quantifying what that means. A budget that puts "children first"
    will be a budget that measures contact time that will be made available
    for each and every student. Class size may offer a rough approximation,
    but class size figures do not reflect the weights of non-teaching
    burdens that are placed on teachers in a given day. In order to keep
    the Portales gold standard in mind, we may want to specify
    teaching-contact hours.

    Keeping attendance records, making out grade reports, filing lesson
    plans, attending meetings, reading memos, filling out surveys, all
    these things may be counted as "teaching" on some scale, but not on the
    Portales gold standard, because none of these activities involve the
    crucial relationship of educational contact between teacher and student.

    The Governor’s press release of June 21 promises a budget that will
    be: "helping teachers and rewarding schools with large numbers of
    economically disadvantaged students that succeed. And it provides
    stronger accountability measures, so more money will go directly to the
    classroom and more taxpayers will know exactly what gets spent in the
    classroom." If the Governor is talking in terms that we can translate
    into the Portales gold standard, then his office should be able to
    state clearly, what difference in contact hours will the plan enable?

    In the practical experience of teaching, policy announcements about
    "accountability measures" signify distractions from student contact
    that intensify pressure upon teachers to show more results for spending
    less time with students. Furthermore, "accountability measures" also
    mean that students are more likely to be compared with each other
    according to increasingly abstract scales of development that prevent
    teachers from exploring and nurturing the individualized potentials
    that may be discovered in each and every student talent.

    Teachers reading the Governor’s promise to "reward" schools who
    "succeed" with "economically disadvantaged students" may notice that
    the Governor says nothing about providing resources to make those
    successes possible in the first place. Comparing what the Governor says
    with what he does not say, teachers may very well conclude that when it
    comes to the education of "economically disadvantaged students" the
    Governor is handing down a reform that in the jargon of labor history
    will count as "speed up" — the technique of increasing productivity by
    asking workers to exhaust themselves in a shorter period of time.

    The Challenge

    For Portales and Portales however, the pedagogy of "print and oral
    skills" involves so much teacher time, because the skills to be
    developed are so multi-dimensional. In the interpretive relationship
    between "print" and student, between student and "oral skills" one
    encounters galaxies of possibility in which the teacher must prepare to
    lead and to be led. In students, the engaged teacher finds the usual
    counterproductive resistance to education, so the teacher must continue
    to lead. But from students, the involved teacher also learns from
    constructive resistance, too. The teacher who has no time to change
    course cannot have time to teach — that is, if teaching is an actual
    relationship with a student.

    So the general problem of education — that we are usually missing
    the main idea in our adult policy battles — comes to rub especially
    hard against students for whom the ethnocentric habits of public
    education (K-college) have never found the flexibility to respect. To
    engage Latino and Latina students as a group (exceptions such as
    Richard Rodriguez notwithstanding) teachers have to be ready to change
    course. And policy makers have to be prepared to follow the teachers
    who are following the students. But alas, this is quite the opposite of
    what anybody (including the Governor) means when they talk about
    "student centered" education. In the world that we live in today, any
    teacher caught following students will be disciplined and punished. But
    we digress from the student center.

    ”Aside from the discouragement that most students of color feel from
    teaching approaches that do not encourage them to master school
    disciplines, we need to understand that white students are usually more
    successful in school precisely because they are adequately taught to
    read, think, write, and talk in closely related ways that do not
    require the kind of language adjustments that Hispanic and other
    minority students have to make between the home environment and
    school.” In other words for white students as a class, the relationship
    between education and world is much less of a puzzle to be solved. And
    white folks who have done well in such environments (lawyers and
    legislators) cannot even begin to conceive what the experience of
    “disconnection” would mean.

    The so-called “inherent” usefulness of a curriculum is in fact
    historically embedded in ways that very few folks take the time to
    understand. Where the obviousness of the value of education is not
    reflected and reinforced in the student’s world of experience, then the
    value has to be problematized as part of the education. But typical
    education practice merely insists upon orders from high above that all
    students must be brought into unproblematic relations with existing
    curricula, and this is quite different from insisting that all students
    must be educated.

    In their proposal of a "print and oral skills" pedagogy, Portales
    and Portales seek to demonstrate (one more time) that if profound
    education is to become more widely shared among students, it must also
    become more multidimensional and flexible. But for all this to happen
    on a massive scale, teachers must be empowered to teach from within the
    relationships they establish with their students. This is one reason
    why policy makers cannot ignore what Portales and Portales insist —
    that pedagogies are to be adopted by teachers for students.

    "The purpose of the print and oral approach in education is to impart a new kind of confidence
    to all students," write Portales and Portales. "This confidence needs
    to rest not only on a teacher’s assessment of students’ work, but
    increasingly on the students’ sense that they are now being
    successfully taught how to interpret and analyze all forms of written
    language and the signs and symbols that are used to communicate
    throughout society and the world. Students should also be convinced
    that the knowledge and skills they acquire are showing them how to
    express themselves clearly, both orally and in writing."

    What it All Comes Down To

    I think I know what Portales and Portales are talking about here. At
    a recent public hearing in Austin, a predominately Latino/Latina
    community gathered to meet city officials concerning an 18-year-old who
    had been killed by police. During a five hour hearing, the
    intelligence, knowledge, and wisdom of the community was placed on
    public display. Yet the hearing was portrayed as a kind of noise or
    collective emotion. Nobody was really listening to the community.
    Instead, the value of the "hearing" was said to lie in the ability of
    the community to be "instructed" as a group by the power figures of the
    city. Yet the community was not capable of being "instructed" and for
    very good reasons. What counted for "instruction" by power figures was
    interpreted as bullshit. In fact the "instruction" made no sense.

    But during the hearing, visitors were

    treated to oral presentations
    by many of the peers who shared with the 18-year-old victim some
    histories of crime and probation. The wit, wisdom, and eloquence of
    these speakers was stunning. As I watched the long night of
    presentations, I often thought to myself, where are the college
    recruiters? When presented with a problem relevant to their life world,
    there was nothing to corroborate official studies that would mark these
    speakers as deficient. In fact, they were exemplary. And my fear today
    resides in the thought that these brilliant thinkers and speakers, so
    full of youthful freshness and sass, would soon enough be tossed aside
    by a social order incapable of changing directions.

    I apologize if my example is too subversive to help the book sales
    or political influence of the work to be found in Quality Education for
    Latinas and Latinos. Why those peers of Daniel Rocha were on probation
    rather than honor roll is the best reason that I can think of for why
    the legislature should put up or shut up without any further delay. Any
    teacher worth the name would love to have that talent in class. It is
    time for Texas policy makers to come up with the funds to support those
    teachers and then get out of their way.

  • Worst in Show: Grooming Homophobia for the Leash

    By Greg Moses

    What is Texas competing for when it produces stories like this for international consumption?

    By Natalie Gott (AP) Texas could become the only state to bar gays from becoming foster parents under legislation passed Wednesday by the House.

    We find it astonishing that the sponsor of the foster care amendment — Rep. Robert Talton of Pasadena — would actually look for one more way to stink up his district. But fhew! Folks are smelling this one coast to coast.

    By contrast, consider what a New York Times editorial says about Connecticut:

    In the past 15 years, Connecticut has protected gays and lesbians under hate-crime, employment and housing laws, and allowed unmarried couples to raise adopted children. Just as civil union was the next logical step, so may the term marriage be finally extended someday.

    The new Connecticut law establishing civil unions for gay and lesbian couples was signed by a Republican Governor who shows signs of belonging to a party worthy of Lincoln.

    As we argued in our earlier commentary against the Bill to Constitutionalize Homophobia in Texas state-sponsored homophobia is a dumb thing to advertise if state leaders are serious about attracting and retaining top talent in a competitive world.

    But more than this, our homophobic pandering of the 21st Century feels a whole lot like the civil-rights baiting of the 20th. And this means that Texas has failed to tend to vital questions of social health.

    Responsibility for this lack of maturity must be widely shared in cowardly leadership across institutions of education, media, and church. For more of our cautionary analysis of these visceral traditions see Texas Templates of Imbalanced Power.

    Like a sick puppy at an international fair, Texas homophobia places worst in show. Not only is it embarrassing, but there’s something quasi-criminal in the motive of a groomer who trots out the spectacle on a leash.

  • Done Deal: No Public Access to Review of Voting Vendors

    By Sonia Santana

    The Texas Senate was presented a trojan horse bill in HB2465 last night, and they accepted it. Section 8 barely concealed in the belly of the bill would kill the open public process for vendor certification at the Sectretary of State.

    The bill passes the Senate last night on a recorded vote of 31-0. HB2465, authored by Elections Committee Chairwoman Mary Denny (R-Flower Mound), had a carefully worded caption promoting public hearings conducted by the SOS, when in fact the bill does exactly the opposite in closing a process that should be open to the public.

    Initially the House bill, was in fact only a requirement for a public hearing, after the examination process, to be conducted by the SOS. Public hearings are great; who would be opposed to a public hearing, right? That was exactly the point of Denny’s strategy. Write a nice little innocuously captioned bill and get all kinds of support for it including the ACLU-TX.

    Why was it important for ACLU-TX to be on board supporting the bill? Well because the ACLU-TX and The Electronic Freedom Frontier Foundation (EFF) had sued the Secretary of State last year to open those secret vendor certification meetings, and they had won a temporary injunction in district court.

    The Secretary of State and the Texas Attorney General contend that this appointed board of examiners is not subject to the Open Meetings Act because they aren’t a governmental body. District Court Judge Stephen Yelenosky reviewed
    the documentation and recorded tapes of those secret meetings and disagreed with the Attorney General. Yelenosky ruled that these meetings were subject to the Texas Open Meetings Act.

    When a substitute HB2465 was voted out of the Elections committee, it contained a poisoned pill in Section 8 that reads “An examination conducted or determination made under Chapter 122, Election Code, before or after the amendments made by this Act, was and continues to be not subject to Chapter 551, Government Code.”

    That single word “not” in that section has now created a very bad law for Texas voters. Texas voters now do not have the right to substantive review and input into the examination process of our voting systems. You just have to trust the Secretary of State to do the right thing, a sort of “faith based” public policy.

    I do encourage Texas voters to come to the next examination hearing. It will be the last time they get to view the examination meeting in an open and transparent process, the way it was supposed to be.

    Texas voters may get an interim study for a verified paper ballot trail. That amendment was successfully added to the Senate version of the bill. Hopefully that will be acceptable to the author Mary Denny. [Stay tuned for the date.]

    As a footnote Representative Eddie Rodriguez (D-Austin), authored House bill HB3383 that specifically wrote into our election code the right of the public to view this examination process. That bill was killed in committee by Representative Mary Denny.

  • Civil Rights Analysis without Civil Rights Numbers

    Change of Data Sources Yields Anomalies

    By Greg Moses

    A Texas agency charged with taking over Civil Rights analysis has decided to stop basing its civilian workforce report on data collected by the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC).

    Instead of basing its analysis on data collected for civil rights purposes, the Division of Civil Rights at the Texas Workforce Commission in its debut report this year used less precise figures reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).

    In the past, noted the report, the Texas Commission on Human Rights had compiled the civil rights report from data provided by the EEOC. As a result of the switch in data sources, the first table of the Texas Equal Employment Opportunity Report shows some civil rights anomalies.

    For example, Caucasian Americans, African Americans, and Hispanic Americans collectively represented 128 percent of all Texas workers; and all three categories of race-ethnicity cited were under-represented in Administration jobs. While these anomalies are common in reports from the BLS, they make a poor basis for analyzing civil rights.

    Since the civil rights report is supposed to compare state agency employment figures with civilian workforce numbers, the choice of BLS data as a baseline raises further questions about the “comparison charts” presented in the report.

    Chart One for instance (not Table One) presents numbers on the employment of African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Females in the Statewide Civilian Workforce. Numbers used in the chart for race and ethnicity are taken from the overlapping BLS categories.

    Chart One in turn is compared to employment of protected classes in state agency employment. From attachments, it appears that state agency employment is calculated according to more rigorous EEOC standards, where protected classes do not overlap.

    Throughout the report, numbers are presented in such isolation that it is difficult to scan for internal consistency or disparate impact. Why does no chart present a complete spectrum of protected classes including Asian Americans or Native Americans. Why do colorful graphs of employment rates not also show comparison bars for Anglos or Males? Why are women rarely considered as various races or ethnicities? Why are discussions, analyses, and footnotes so scarce?*

    In the end, the reader wants to know, what purpose is this report intended to serve beyond simply complying with some law that says a report is to be issued? Do the laws themselves not have a civil rights context that can serve as the basis for stating the purposes, findings, and recommendations of this report?

    Perfunctory is the word that would most charitably describe this report. Evasive is the word I would rather use. From start to finish, the reader gets the impression that no one has really set out to present the condition of equal employment opportunity in Texas in a way that the plain language of civil rights demands.

    NOTES:

    The Texas Equal Employment Opportunity Report:
    http://www.tchr.state.tx.us/EEOrptsum205.pdf

    The BLS distribution of employment report 2003:
    http://www.bls.gov/opub/gp/pdf/gp97_complete.pdf

    The EEO-1 Aggregate Report for 2002:
    http://eeoc.gov/stats/jobpat/2002/state/48.html
    [What a Civil Rights report looks like.]

    First posted 3/27. *Paragraph revised 3/29 to include “disparate impact,” Asian Americans, and Native Americans.