Category: Uncategorized

  • Dominguez-Barajas: Resegregation Study

    via email from Asst. Prof. of English at Texas A&M, Elias Dominguez-

    Barajas.

    The recent Harvard study describing the resegration of U.S. schools has been

    mentioned in several different contexts, and I’m sure that many … have not only heard of it but have

    actually perused the full report. Despite the latter, I considered it pertinent to pass the information

    along in case somebody who hasn’t heard of it wants the actual source for research purposes or

    personal information.

    [More summary below. Get the link at “Web Links” Module (the

    menu at the upper left) under “National Resources.]

    Gary Orfield and Chungmei Lee began to

    circulate their preliminary findings several years ago (starting circa 1997). Those findings have been

    confirmed
    in their final report, which includes the following points among

    others:

    There has been a substantial slippage toward segregation in most of the states

    that were highly desegregated in 1991. The most integrated state
    for African Americans in 2001 is

    Kentucky. The most desegregated states for Latinos are in the Northwest.

    However, in

    some states with very low black
    populations, school segregation is soaring as desegregation efforts

    are abandoned.

    American public schools are now only 60 percent white nationwide and

    nearly one fourth of U.S. students are in states with a majority of nonwhite
    students. However,

    except in the South and Southwest, most white students have little contact with minority

    students.

    Asians, in contrast, are the most integrated and by far the most likely to

    attend multiracial schools with a significant presence of three or more racial groups. Asian students

    are in schools with the smallest
    concentration of their own racial group.

    The vast

    majority of intensely segregated minority schools face conditions of concentrated poverty, which are

    powerfully related to unequal educational
    opportunity. Students in segregated minority schools face

    conditions that students in segregated white schools seldom experience.

    Latinos confront

    very serious levels of segregation by race and poverty, and non-English speaking Latinos tend to be

    segregated in schools with each other. The data show no substantial gains in segregated education for

    Latinos even during the civil rights era. The increase in Latino segregation is particularly notable in

    the West.

  • Forty Faxes and a Whisper: Texas Election Scandal

    By Greg Moses


    Dissident Voice
    / Portside / IndyMedia NorthTexas / CounterPunch / CraigsList

    “As I look back

    over the General Election held on Nov. 2, 2004, I know that voting is a ‘right’ that is being taken

    away everyday,” writes Brenda Denson-Prince. But she is not writing about far away places like Ohio

    or Florida. She is writing about her own attempt to become the first woman in Kaufman County, Texas to

    sit on the County Commissioners Court. On the day after Christmas, Denson-Prince faxes me forty

    pages.

    For the past three years the 50-year-old Texas native studied up for the position of

    County Commissioner by going to meetings. And she recruited the outgoing Commissioner, Ivan Johnson,

    to be her campaign manager. In the Democratic primary, she won handily. And right up to ten o’clock

    on election night, she felt pretty good about her chances. That’s about the time she says she left

    Democratic Party headquarters in the town of Kaufman to return home to Terrell. With virtually all

    nine voting boxes counted, she was about 200 votes ahead.

    “Y’all better get back over

    here,” is what Terry Crow told Ivan Johnson over the telephone not too long after ten o’clock.

    “They’re about to steal the election away from Brenda.” Johnson was watching the phone at the

    Denson-Prince campaign headquarters in Terrell. So Johnson called Denson-Prince, they hopped in their

    cars, and sometime between 10:30 and 11:00 that night, they walked through the back door of the Kaufman

    County courthouse annex, where the votes had been counted.

    “In the hall, there was the

    election administrator,” recalls Denson-Prince. “She said, ‘Brenda, it’s a tie, so you can flip a

    coin if you want to.’” Denson-Prince would prefer to keep it off the record what she said in reply

    to that flip remark.

    “Did you say, ‘God bless you’?” I ask Denson-Prince over the

    telephone on the day after Christmas. Her voice over the past two months has been reduced to a bare

    whisper. She spent Christmas weekend in bed. “No, I didn’t say that,” answers Denson-Prince in a

    whisper of pure air and electricity. “I said what are you talking about, a tie?” According to the

    official returns, each candidate had received 2,867 votes.

    “Come out here and explain,”

    said the administrator to an assistant. Between the two of them, who both seemed pretty nervous,

    Denson-Prince caught the words “glitch” and “disk.”

    “Deja-Vote,” hollered the

    headline in Wednesday morning’s Terrell Tribune. “A computer software glitch is being blamed for

    controversy that occurred Tuesday night as ballots were being counted by Kaufman County election

    officials,” began the story.

    “The problem occurred when data taken from one counting

    machine to another computer for collating became corrupted. The data roughly doubled the amount of

    votes counted for several precincts, according to Kaufman County information technology director George

    York.” A two-column photo of York showed him testing a ballot-counting machine on Wednesday

    morning.

    When Denson-Prince returned to the courthouse Wednesday morning with Justice of

    the Peace James Williams, the election administrator assured Denson-Prince that a recount could be

    requested at a cost of about $2,000.

    Meanwhile another story in that day’s Tribune

    reported Ohio-length voting delays. At Bethlehem Baptist Church (voting box 26) lines were said to be

    45-minutes long, owing to van-loads of enthusiastic young voters from nearby Southwestern Christian

    College.

    By the end of the day, reported the paper (quoting Election Judge Russell

    Jones) there were “366 voters” at Bethlehem Baptist. The paper did not explain why at 10:09 p.m.

    that night, only 360 ballots appeared in the official, computerized tally for box 26, a precinct that

    Denson-Prince won handily, with 94 percent of the vote. On the most recent count of box 26, says

    Kaufman County Democratic Chair George Lawshe in a Dec. 7 email, there were 342 voters and 361

    ballots.

    “I can not think of any reason for this,“ concludes Lawshe in his discussion of

    box 26, “other than the obvious thought that we would rather not think could happen.”

    The

    Terrell Tribune also missed a little drama that took place outside Bethlehem Baptist Church on election

    day. According to Election Judge Jones, in a signed statement, there was this husband of a Republican

    poll watcher who was hanging around the entrance to the Church for at least an hour, well within the

    100 foot marker that designates a safe space for voters. This Republican husband challenged the

    presence of an exit pollster and generally became such a nuisance that Jones called the police. By the

    time the police arrived, the Republican husband had departed, but not before apologizing to Jones for

    the behavior that had compelled Jones to leave his rightful post overseeing the election inside the

    Church (at box 26).

    Thursday morning, Nov. 4, Denson-Prince presented a cashier’s check

    for $2,000 to cover the cost of a hand count. But recounts could only be ordered by the County Judge,

    and he was out of town. Weekend news was about military ballots that had been mailed out but not yet

    returned. Indeed, one ballot showed up, but the voter skipped the commissioner’s race. So the tie

    lasted one full week.

    On Nov. 9 Denson-Prince composed a comprehensive open-records

    request. She wanted to see a written explanation for the tabulation error that had reversed her

    comfortable lead on election night, as well as all write-in ballots for president, provisional ballots

    that had been rejected, and printouts of tabulations per box. On Nov. 28 she appealed her request to

    the Texas Attorney General.

    On Wednesday morning, Nov. 10, Joan D. Neeley represented

    the Democratic Party at a sorting of early ballots. Of 30,000 votes cast in Kaufman County, 16,000

    were early votes.

    “We kept noticing ballots in the wrong piles [voting boxes] as we

    continued through our process and because of this we all decided we would double check each pile

    [voting box] for accuracy after sorting was complete,” noted Neeley in a signed statement, dated Nov.

    16. But according to Neeley’s statement, the double-checking was never completed. It was interrupted

    on Nov. 10, and when on Nov. 12 Neeley requested a resumption, she was informed that a court order

    would be needed to break the seals on remaining boxes.

    Prior to the electronic recount,

    Denson-Prince released her letter to the Texas NAACP. “I as an African American female, do not feel

    that my rights were protected,” wrote Denson-Prince. “I feel that I have been discriminated

    against.” Her letter to the Texas NAACP was reported as top story in the Kaufman Tribune for Nov. 12.

    But the story never leaked out of the county, and as far as I can tell, the newspaper does not make

    some of these stories available online.

    Saturday’s headline was matter of fact. The

    electronic recount had found 2,870 votes for Denson-Prince and 2,873 for her Republican opponent.

    Meanwhile, Saturday’s hand count yielded six more votes for Denson-Prince (2,876) and six for her

    opponent, too (2,879). When commissioners met Monday morning, Nov. 15, Denson-Prince’s campaign

    manager approved the canvassed vote. Denson-Prince had lost by three votes.

    What’s

    surprising to me at this point is the apparent lack of support or attention being given to Denson-

    Prince by powers outside of Kaufman County. Last year at this time, two of the four Commissioners for

    Kaufman County were Democrats. Next week, if nothing cha
    nges, there will be none.

    On

    Dec. 15, Denson-Prince filed suit in the Kaufman County District Court of Republican Judge Howard

    Tygrett.

    “During the final recount,” alleges the suit, the election judge miscounted

    two ballots, failing to give Denson-Prince one more vote, and failing to take one vote away from her

    opponent. Adding one vote to Denson-Prince while taking one from her opponent would close the race to

    one vote.

    Then there is the matter of Mrs. Bertha Maye Malone, who was informed by a

    letter postmarked Nov. 2 that her mail-in ballot would not be counted because it lacked a proper

    signature on the envelope.

    “The voter, her daughter, and husband are ready to swear that

    Mrs. Bertha Malone signed her ballot but might have been signed with pencil included with ballot,”

    says Denson-Prince. This is why she asked to see the discarded early votes in her open records request

    of Nov. 9, and why she is not giving up. Would examination of Mrs. Malone’s envelope yield evidence of

    erasure, in the way that Denson-Prince discovered erased ballots during the hand count?

    “Oh, the voters bring erasers with them,” is what Denson-Prince was told when she asked how erased

    ballots were possible when the balloting pencils have no erasers.

    By this time, the

    whisper of Denson-Prince over the telephone is too much to bear. I keep apologizing for making her

    talk as I go box by box over the Nov. 2 results, and she keeps answering in the most deliberate, polite

    manner possible. I keep thinking, this woman was born in the year of Brown v.

    Board.

    Denson-Prince lives in a Southern town that is cut in half by an East-West

    railroad. She lives at the Southern tip of the Southern half, and she wins the boxes on the South side

    of the tracks (5, 26, 34). Her opponent lives at the northern tip of the northern half. And he wins

    the boxes on that side of the tracks (7, 19, 38). Three rural boxes to the East (6, 8, 9) draw upon a

    population that is 88 percent white and which go for the Republican, although Denson-Prince out-

    performs Kerry in two of the three rural boxes. After fifty years of struggle, is democracy in America

    still about living on the other side of the tracks?

    I haven’t mentioned some other

    things that are mentioned in the faxes, for instance, the ballot that was “whited out” (who knows

    how). Or the “electrical work” that was going on in the ceiling above voting booths 1, 2, and 3 on

    election day at the Terrell Sub-Courthouse, 408 E. College St. Or the delay reported by Denson-

    Prince’s campaign rep, who reports waiting from 10 o’clock until 10:30, but who left before the tie

    was announced. Or the peculiar coincidence reported by Terry Crow who saw a district judge enter the

    counting room on election night just before the “glitch” was reversed and the commissioner election

    tied. Does a coincidence like that have any bearing on which judge gets to hear the lawsuit filed by

    Denson-Prince?

    There’s a whole lot this little story can’t tell you about democracy in

    America today. But we can listen to the whisper of Brenda Denson-Prince, and we can read her

    faxes:

    “The responsible individuals that we have placed in authority to watch over the

    elections to make sure voting is held in an orderly process just makes me really ashamed of being a

    United States citizen when I see such abuse and abnormalities allowed to go unquestioned or

    investigated.”

    NOTE:

    PDF files of all faxes are available at the Downloads

    section of the Texas Civil Rights Review. Mirror sites welcome for this article and the

    files.

    Corrected 12/27 3pm: References to newspaper articles are to the

    Terrell Tribune, not Kaufman Herald. Terry Crow fixed in first reference.–

    ed

  • ¿Que vamos hacer ahora? A&M Hispanic Network Address

    VERSION 17,
    Texas A&M Hispanic Network’s Response
    by

    Colonel (retired) Robert F. Gonzales
    Class 1968
    April 22,

    2004

    ____________

    Note: This important document (see “read

    more” below) is posted despite the objections of the author, who requested that it not be displayed

    beyond “the Aggie family.” I have taken some time to consider the author’s request. In the end,

    with great respect for the author and the Texas A&M Hispanic Network, I have decided to post the

    document for public viewing. Texas A&M University does not belong to the Aggie family. It is a

    publicly funded university and its policies are a matter of public concern. While I respect the

    general rule to “not talk out of school” regarding matters that are more properly discretionary, the

    subject of the following address concerns a widely publicized matter of public policy, and the remarks

    were delivered before a large crowd that included reporters (see links below). While I regret the

    author’s decision to not grant his permission, I have concluded that, as a matter of information

    ethics, that the document should be part of the public record. Furthermore, I hope that over time, the

    author and others will come to respect the principles and criteria upon which I have based my decision.

    While reluctance to share this document is understandable from an “Aggie family” point of view, in

    the end I think larger considerations prevail. It is quite a remarkable

    speech.

    Respectfully,
    Greg Moses
    Editor
    Class of ’81

    ____________
    VERSION 17
    Texas A&M Hispanic Network’s Response
    by

    Colonel (retired) Robert F. Gonzales
    Class 1968
    April 22, 2004

    Howdy!

    En la vida, es importante estar presente. In life, it is important to show up. Thank you for

    taking the time from your very busy schedules to show up today.
    I have been asked to give the Texas

    A&M Hispanic Network response to the addresses given this morning by President Gates and Doctor

    Anderson. I am privileged to be your spokesperson.

    Whoever stood here representing

    the Network probably would feel like the ham in a ham sandwich, feeling divided loyalties between the

    school we love so much and whose policies we want to support, and the direction our school has chosen

    not to take concerning the future of our heritage at this school. With this dichotomy in mind, and

    understanding that at times I will use the words “race” and “ethnicity” interchangeably, let me

    continue with what needs to be said.

    Before I deliver my prepared remarks, I think I

    first must respond to something that I did not anticipate I would hear this morning. President Gates

    read e-mails for three young Hispanic A&M graduates who support his position not to consider race in

    Texas A&M’s admissions policy. Their primary concern is the unfavorable perception other students

    would have of Hispanics whose ethnicity was taken into consideration for admissions into A&M. Although

    their views are valid and should be heard, there’s another side to this coin and I need to state it in

    order to give balance to this matter. I will do so using my own personal

    experience.

    While I was a student at A&M, I became active in student activities at the

    Memorial Student Center. Mr. J. Wayne Stark was the Director of the MSC and he was the first person

    who put the idea of becoming a lawyer into my head. I pursued this course and decided I wanted to

    attend the University of Texas Law School. I took the LSAT, but I did not do very well. Consequently,

    in addition to the University of Texas, I applied to three other law schools in the State. Before

    graduation day, I received letters of acceptance to the other three law schools, but I had not heard

    from the University of Texas. I drove to Austin to find out the status of my application. The lady in

    the Admissions Office confirmed my LSAT score had prevented me from being automatically accepted, but

    my name was on the waiting list. She explained there was still a chance I could be accepted, but I

    would have to wait a few more weeks until they heard back from all of the automatic-admits on whether

    they planned to enroll or not, to see how many seats would remain unfilled and thus available to those

    of us on the waiting list. Then she told me the law school was starting a new affirmative action

    program and, because I was a Mexican-American, I may have a better chance than others on the waiting

    list for any available seats.

    I explained what I had been told to my parents and two of

    my uncles from the Classes of ’41 and ’50. Should I accept an offer from one of the three law schools

    based on “merit” or should I wait on T.U. and possibly get admitted under its affirmative action

    program. One of my uncles asked me, “Do you have any idea how many Mexicans are students at T.U.’s law

    school?” I had no idea. He speculated there were less than ten. Then he said, “T.U. is the best law

    school in the State. I don’t care if you get in the front door, the side door, or the backdoor. If

    T.U. accepts you, you go there!” I received my acceptance letter to T.U. a couple of weeks later and I

    enrolled in September 1968 along with twelve other Hispanics in a class of 450.

    I

    wondered whether I had been admitted as an alternate on “merit” or under affirmative action, so I

    stopped by the Admissions Office one day to ask. I saw a different lady than the one I had seen before

    and she responding by giving me this advice, “Don’t worry about how you got in. You need to

    concentrate on staying in and graduating.”

    Only one student ever asked me how I got into

    law school. His name was John and John was Anglo. Therefore, we can assume that John got into law

    school solely on “merit.” When I returned for my second year of law school, John was not around. When

    I asked what happened to John, I was told, “John flunked out!”

    If I got into law

    school under affirmative action, I soon learned that none of the professors had an affirmative action

    policy when he came to passing out grades and Dean Page Keeton surely did not have an affirmative

    action policy when he passed out diplomas.

    I have practiced law for thirty-three years

    and during that time I have been asked frequently, “What law school did you graduate from?” Nobody has

    ever asked, “How did you get into law school?”
    I have made my income based on my law degree from

    T.U. When I mail in checks to the University of Texas Law School Foundation, and the Texas A&M

    University Foundation, and the Association of Former Students, and the 12th man Foundation, none of

    them ask, “How did you get into law school?” What’s important to them is that I graduated and that I’m

    sending them a check every year. . . . and they ask if I can send more.

    This is my

    adlib response to those three e-mails. Now, let me move on to my prepared response.

    President Gates, distinguished members of the Texas legislature, Vice-President

    Anderson, members of the faculty and administration, members of the Texas A&M Hispanic Network,

    students, former students, and friends.

    Texas A&M is a State public university, yet it

    does not reflect the face of the State of Texas. There is a racial and ethnic imbalance on the campus

    at Texas A&M!

    Earlier this morning, we heard President Gates say that although he

    is determined to correct this imbalance, he has decided not to use the race or ethnicity of an

    applicant as a factor in the admissions process in order to achieve greater diversity at A&M. Instead,

    he believes it is in the best interest of A&M to continue a policy based solely on each applicant’s

    p
    ersonal merit, meaning personal achievement, merit, and leadership potential.

    Before

    I give the Texas A&M Hispanic Network’s official positio
    n to this decision, I need to take us back to

    March 18, 1996. This was the day the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit decided the

    case of Cheryl Hopwood v. the University of Texas Law School. This panel said that any consideration

    of race in order to achieve a diversified student body at a public university was not a “compelling

    governmental interest” under the Fourteenth Amendment and, therefore, any attempt by a public

    university to do so was unconstitutional. This meant that the University of Texas Law School had to

    stop considering race, and in the future neither it nor any other public university in Louisiana,

    Mississippi, and Texas could consider the race of an applicant as a factor in its admissions

    policy.

    As a result, the number of Hispanic students enrolling as freshman at A&M went

    down from 714 before Hopwood to 607 in 1997 and further down to 570 in 1999. A&M has never recovered,

    even with the help of the 10% law. A&M has been unable to enroll 700 or more Hispanic freshman in any

    given year since Hopwood.

    Eighteen months after Hopwood in October 1997, A&M President

    Ray Bowen proposed that A&M strive to be recognized as one of the top ten public universities in the

    United States by the year 2020. A task force of 260 prominent Aggies and friends of A&M from both on

    and off campus, including our own Hector Gutierrez and Pedro Aguirre, surveyed where A&M stood and what

    it needed to do to achieve this lofty goal. This was the foundation for Vision 2020, our road map into

    the future. Hundreds of ideas were suggested, discussed, and debated, and when the dust finally

    cleared, the group submitted twelve of them to President Bowen. They called these twelve ideas

    “Imperatives.”

    We cannot help but believe that the Vision 2020 task force of

    outstanding individuals each in their own right was completely aware, fully-informed, and cognizant of

    the Hopwood decision and the immediate impact it was having on minority enrollment at institutions of

    higher learning in the 5th Circuit. Having seen the adverse effects that Hopwood had at A&M in the

    fall terms of 1997 and 1998, Vision 2020 deliberately made “Diversity” one of its twelve imperatives,

    specifically Imperative #6. In so doing, it stated that “Texas A&M University must attract and nurture

    a more ethnically, culturally, and geographically diverse faculty, staff, and student body.” Further,

    it went on to say, “affording educational opportunity to all racial and ethnic groups is critical to

    the future of Texas.”

    The task force then established a fair and reasonable target

    that A&M should reach for, in order to achieve meaningful student diversity. That goal was to attain

    in each freshman class the same percentage of minority Texas high school graduates who were college-

    bound, which for Hispanic students was approximately 29%. So, we can plainly see that three years

    after Hopwood said that achieving student diversity in a public university was not a “compelling

    governmental interest,” our own internal group of Aggies and friends of A&M said that achieving an

    equitable level of student diversity at A&M was an “Imperative.”

    If you look up the

    word “imperative” in Webster’s dictionary, it will tell you it means “urgent, absolutely necessary, and

    compelling!” Imperative #6 of Vision 2020 was a resounding call for educational opportunity for all

    minorities in the State of Texas, and it, in essence, rejected Hopwood as the way to do business at

    A&M.

    On May 28, 1999, the Board of Regents of Texas A&M, which included our own Dionel

    E. Aviles, approved all twelve Imperatives of Vision 2020 and in its Approval Resolution charged all

    future Regents, Chancellors, Presidents, administration, faculty, staff, students, and former students

    to make a personal commitment to its success.

    In so doing, our Board of Regents also

    implicitly rejected the holding of Hopwood.
    Then, on August 1, 2002, we welcomed Dr. Gates as the

    22nd President of Texas A&M University. In his State of the University Convocation Address on October

    3, 2002, President Gates stated, in part, “My highest priority is to make significant progress toward

    achieving the imperatives of Vision 2020.” After consultations throughout the A&M campus community, at

    the beginning of 2003, President Gates followed up his October address with an announcement that four

    of the twelve imperatives would receive priority over the next several years and one of those four

    imperatives was Imperative #6 on Diversity.

    Four months later, I was sitting in the

    dinner audience of the 50th Class Reunion of the Class of 1953, my father’s class. This was exactly

    one year ago this week. Dr. Gates was the guest speaker, and it was my first time to hear him. That

    evening he confronted the issue of diversity in the open as no other president at A&M had done before

    by saying, “in a State where minorities will soon be the majority . . . . it is simply unacceptable for

    Texas A&M’s student body to be 85% white and for our faculty to be 85% white and male.”

    However, he did not specifically explain how he was going to improve diversity at A&M.

    Keep in mind that for over three years prior to Dr. Gates assuming the position of President, Hispanics

    and other minorities had been waiting for A&M to present a concrete plan on how it was going to

    implement Imperative #6 and how minority former students like you and me could assist and support this

    plan. I immediately wondered what Dr. Gates was going to do to bring about a real change on campus,

    especially when Hopwood was still the law of the land.

    Because Dr. Gates had also spoken

    about the need for groups composed of former students of various ethnicities to form a partnership with

    A&M on diversity efforts, a group of approximately fifty Hispanic Aggies met in San Antonio on May 31,

    2003, to form the Texas A&M Hispanic Network. We discussed what we could do to ensure A&M was the best

    model in the State and Nation to educate and develop Hispanic leaders of the future. We were told that

    A&M’s student body was only 8% Hispanic and we all agreed to assist A&M to improve this percentage in

    increments of two to three percent each year, until the percentage roughly reflected the proportion of

    Hispanics in the population of Texas, which is currently 33%. We were very ambitious, optimistic, and

    motivated, because Dr. Gates had energized us to face this daunting task with him.

    Then, the Supreme Court spoke on this matter on June 23, 2003 in the two University of Michigan

    cases of Barbara Grutter v. Lee Bollinger that involved the admissions policy at its law school and

    Jennifer Gratz v. Lee Bollinger that involved the admissions policy at its College of Literature,

    Science, and Arts. And what did the Court say? On the first issue of whether student diversity at a

    public university is a “compelling governmental interest” or not, six of the nine justices said it was.

    When the Supreme Court said this, not only did it overrule Hopwood, it also completely validated the

    foresight, wisdom, and efforts of the Vision 2020 Task Force, our Board of Regents, and Dr. Gates.

    I need to pause here for a moment to quickly give you an appreciation for the

    significance and magnitude of a Supreme Court decision that identifies a governmental purpose as

    “compelling” instead of important, legitimate, or substantial. The Supreme Court reserves this term

    for only those governmental interests of the absolute very highest order. Essentially, before any

    level of the government can discriminate on the basis of race or before it can place a restriction on a

    fundamental Constitutional right, the government needs to show the Court that it ha
    s a very strong and

    good reason to do so. How many times, since 1942 when the Supreme Court started to develop the concept

    of “compelling gov
    ernmental interest,” has a governmental entity been able to convince the Supreme

    Court that its purpose was “compelling?” Would you believe less than twenty times? Thus, student

    diversity in a public university is on the same “compelling governmental interest” footing as

    prohibiting child pornography, maintaining the Social Security system, preserving the integrity of the

    electoral process, and protecting our national security. Do you understand better now what the Supreme

    Court is saying to us?

    On the critical issue of whether race can be considered as a

    factor in a university’s admissions policy in order to improve student diversity, again, six justices

    said yes, so long as race is used as a small factor among several admissions factors, in the context of

    a highly individual and holistic review of each applicant’s file.

    The Court did not

    say a public university must consider race in order to achieve student diversity; instead, it said

    public universities have the option to do so. Whether to exercise this option or not, the Texas A&M

    Hispanic Network and the University each believe they are on solid ground, however, we are not on

    common ground.

    Although this is a very serious matter, I would like to

    compare the Supreme Court’s decision and our situation at A&M to the sport of football. Initially in

    the late 1800’s, the ball was advanced by running the ball and you won games by running the ball

    effectively. Then, in 1906, the National Rules Committee made the forward pass legal. This change in

    the rules did not make passing the ball mandatory; it simply gave colleges the option to use the pass

    in order to win. Some schools incorporated the forward pass into its offense, while others continued

    to reply on a running game.

    A&M has been using a running game when it comes to diversity

    and it has resulted in a very unimpressive “winning” percentage. In terms of diversity that percentage

    is 85% white and 15% minorities. The University wants to improve on the 15%, but it has decided not to

    use race as a factor in admissions; it has decided to stick with the running game and not incorporate

    the forward pass.

    Dr. Gates is the coach of the team, and he is OUR coach. We are his

    assistant coaches. We think we can win more games if we incorporate the forward pass into our offense.

    We think we can improve student diversity at A&M by using race in the “review” category of admissions.

    Absent race, what admissions factors will be considered under the University’s plan in

    the “review” category besides the applicant’s SAT score and class academic ranking? If you take the

    admissions factors published in the latest undergraduate catalog, they would include the following

    diverse characteristics: parental education level, extracurricular activities, leadership potential,

    community service, special talents and awards, work experience, academic association with A&M, and

    extenuating circumstances, meaning personal hardships the student had to overcome.

    Additionally, the University will require all applicants to submit two essays, one that asks

    applicants to “describe a significant setback, challenge, or opportunity in your life and the impact it

    has had on you,” and the second one that asks “how will your individual characteristics lead you to

    make a contribution to the A&M campus?”

    The interesting thing about the University’s

    plan is that, arguably, four of the eight admissions factors and both essay topics can have a certain

    degree of correlation to race or ethnicity, depending on the contents of the application and who is

    evaluating the file. The University apparently believes that the consideration of these eight factors

    and two essays will produce the desired increase in the number of Hispanic applicants who enroll at A&M

    each year.

    The Texas A&M Hispanic Network believes that whether we consider race or

    not is a direct reflection on a university’s level of commitment to welcome minorities to its campus

    and to realize the educational benefits that can be derived from an ethically diverse student body. We

    both want to achieve the same thing; we simply have a difference of opinion on how to do it. Coach

    Gates says we can win with a new and improved running game. We say we need to incorporate the forward

    pass, and if we do, we will win more games and we will improve our season record more immediately.

    Therefore, please understand that our official Network position is that we

    respectfully and deeply do not agree with or endorse that part of the decision that excludes the

    consideration of race as a modest factor in A&M’s admissions policy. We simply cannot rely on an

    improved running game and expect better and immediate results.

    Bueno, ¿Que vamos

    hacer ahora? Okay, what do we do now?

    We discussed several options and all of them were

    grounded on two principles. First, and foremost, we are all family. We all wear the ring with thirty

    -three stars and our class year on it. Secondly, we are not going to walk away from our school on this

    issue. Despite our disagreement, we will always have a partnership with A&M and we will always have

    work to do. Of course, our strong preference is to incorporate the forward pass; to use race as a

    modest factor in the admissions process, and we will continue to advocate and articulate this position.

    We want what’s best for A&M too, and that is to achieve Vision 2020’s Imperative #6 as

    soon as possible, by all means possible. If the educational benefits derived from a diverse student

    body are truly a national “compelling governmental interest” and a Texas A&M University Imperative,

    then we have an obligation and responsibility to use every legal means and any persuasive argument at

    our disposal to make it happen! By stating our position, that’s what we have attempted to do

    today.

    If we are not going to use the forward pass, then we would like to express one

    Hope and one Strategy. This is our Hope. If we do not see our record improve after one season, it is

    our deep and sincere Hope that the University will seriously consider using the forward pass, using

    race as a modest admissions factor. Specifically, this would be at the end of fall semester, 2006.

    Any coach should be held accountable for the direction he has chosen to take or not to

    take his team. And on this point we are proud of Dr. Gates, because he has publicly stated that he

    wants to be held accountable. We believe the test that should be applied, and we think this is a fair

    one, is whether the percentage of diversity within A&M’s student body has improved to the same extent

    as that at the University of Texas, because we know that the other flagship university in this State is

    going to incorporate the forward pass into its offense; they are going to use race as a factor in their

    admissions policy.

    As Dr. Gates explained this morning, the University’s new plan

    includes some significant changes in its admissions policy. We are encouraged that factors which can

    reflect the ethnicity and racial makeup of the applicant pool will be considered in the “review”

    category. We are pleased that aggressive outreach programs will be implemented in an attempt to get

    more minorities to apply and then, once accepted, to enroll. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we

    are very satisfied that new and substantial scholarships and financial assistance will be offered to

    those in need.

    It all sounds great, but we are also aware that this approach is very

    similar to the one taken by the University of Michigan, and their efforts never, never yielded the

    desired “critical mass” of minority students until it started to consider race
    as a factor. But there

    was one thing the University of Michigan did not have that Dr. Gates does. Dr. Gates, take a
    look

    around you. You have us and our Network! And that’s the other reason why we are here

    today.

    You have given us time to voice our concerns, and we have done so. Now, it is

    time to follow one Strategy and that is to work together as partners and as a family to build for the

    future. This afternoon, the breakout sessions will be an opportunity for us to continue our dialogue

    with our University. How can we improve communications between the administration, staff, and faculty

    with the Network? What training do we need from A&M in order to be effective individual recruiters for

    A&M? What campus life and leadership opportunities do we need to make A&M a more welcome place for

    Hispanics? Your active participation in these discussions is very important to us.

    Finally, what’s the bottom line? Dr. Gates stated the bottom line a year ago. “In a

    State where minorities will soon be the majority . . . . it is simply unacceptable for Texas A&M’s

    student body to be 85% white.” We should not, cannot, and must not be satisfied with a single digit

    percentage of Hispanics in the student body at A&M. We all need to work together to achieve the goals

    outlined in Imperative #6 of Vision 2020.

    Some day there is going to be a Hispanic

    governor of Texas. Some day there is going to be a Hispanic United States Senator from Texas. And

    someday there may even be a Hispanic President of these United States. I want them to be wearing the

    same ring we’re wearing.

    Dr. Gates cannot make this happen by himself, Hector

    Gutierrez cannot make it happen by himself, and we as a Network cannot make this happen by ourselves,

    either. Building for the Future “together” needs to be our watchword. Coming together as we did in

    San Antonio last May was a beginning; staying together as we will do all day today is progress; y

    trabajando juntos por todo en el futuro nos asegura buen exito, and working together in the future will

    bring us success!

    Thank you and Gig’em.
    More

    resources on the Hispanic Network Summit

    PDF Agenda posted at TAMU

    website

    The Batt: Hispanic Summit Praises

    The Eagle: Group Asks

    Gates

    Aggie Daily: Gates

    Highlights

  • Whites Only Scholarship Protests Affirmative Action

    CNN, Feb. 15, 2004

    BRISTOL, Rhode Island (AP) — A

    student group at Roger Williams University is offering a new scholarship for which only white students

    are eligible, a move they say is designed to protest affirmative action.