Category: Uncategorized

  • A Texas Growth Economy: From Shopping and Eating Out to Global Transport

    By Greg Moses

    As folks debate ways to pump the economy, November employment statistics remind us that

    83 percent of nonfarm workers in Texas earn paychecks in the private sector.

    Of the 10.7 million workers (nonfarm, not seasonally adjusted), 8.9 million are private

    sector compared to 1.8 million government workers.

    While it may be possible for government to pick up masses of workers to labor on roads,

    bridges, and parks, or in emergency rooms, health clinics, and schools, there seems to be

    obvious truth in the worry that this plan of action would raise taxes.

    Still we should note that of the 32,700 net new jobs (actual, not seasonally adjusted)

    added to Texas payrolls in November of 2008, at least 12,000 (or 37 percent) were added by

    government, overwhelmingly at the local level.

    Since there is no income tax in Texas, these jobs were funded by sales taxes and property

    taxes. And while it does seem obvious that every new government job is to be counted as an

    absolute increase in public tax burden, we’d like to remember some old sayings about ounces

    of prevention.

    After all, what sort of private sector employer is going to stick around very long in a

    territory where taxpayers have pulled down their liabilities to zero by de-funding every

    conceivable public service. Even the famous Laffer curve assumes that taxation has some

    optimal rate.

    From the point of view of civil rights development, it would be a cruel and unusual

    economy that sets no public standards whatsoever to live by.

    Nevertheless, let’s remember that 83 percent of the existing workforce in Texas does not

    go to work for a government paycheck.

    Now we’re going to leave aside the question of how many private workers depend upon a

    government contract. So our KBR readers should not go around thinking that we ignore all

    the public butter that gets spread on private bread.

    But let’s go where the majority of workers live and try to prosper — in the private

    sector.

    It’s interesting in Texas that there are about as many workers in the “Goods Producing”

    sector of the economy as there are in “Government” — about 1.8 million. But whereas the

    government sector grew in November, the goods producing sector shrank (by about 6,000

    jobs).

    Not all parts of the goods producing sector lost jobs. In mining and oil and gas, about

    a 1,000 new jobs were added.

    Texas construction lost only a couple of hundred jobs, but the story would have been

    worse if not for “Utility System Construction” which added 1,000 jobs. How much of that

    private employment on utility systems depended upon public financing we’ll leave open to

    further questioning.

    Manufacturing, as you might guess, is still losing jobs in Texas. About 2,000 jobs were

    lost in this sector during November, with losses in the wood, computer, and electronics

    areas. We now have 924,800 manufacturing jobs left here.

    It’s interesting to see that some sectors of manufacturing actually grew: “Fabricated

    Metal Product Manufacturing” picked up 300 jobs; “Machinery Manufacturing” picked up 200

    jobs; “Agriculture, Construction, and Mining Machinery Manufacturing” picked up 500 jobs;

    “Transportation Equipment Manufacturing” picked up 500 jobs; and “Aerospace Product and

    Parts Manufacturing” picked up 400 jobs.

    No doubt there is some “public sector” contracting in these sophisticated heavy metal

    operations in Texas, although I’m guessing we could wish for a healthier mix of “peace” to

    “war” priorities.

    When it comes to non-durable goods, Texas employed some 308,200 workers in November,

    which is 700 fewer workers than October. It was a bad month for food (-400), plastics (-

    200), and paper (-200). But a better month for animal slaughtering (+100) and products made

    from petroleum and coal (+700) and chemicals (+200).

    In the private sector, “Service” is the mammoth sector of the Texas economy. That’s

    where 7.1 million workers were employed in November, an increase of 26,700 workers over

    October. About 20,000 of those new jobs were split between clotting stores and department

    stores. Another 5,000 jobs were added by “Other General Merchandise Stores.”

    Information services fell by another 400 jobs, which is why you see more people like me

    doing this grunt work for free (actually, the newspaper people are holding the line; nothing

    lost, nothing gained).

    In the “Finance and Insurance” sector, jobs are down slightly overall (-200), but there

    is a growth niche in “Credit Intermediation,” which added 1,100 jobs.

    In the professional services sector, lawyers, accountants, architects, and computer

    experts are all finding fewer cubicles available.

    Education and health care, on the other hand, are growing modestly; while “Leisure and

    Hospitality” continue their slow decline.

    In Texas, we are pleased to report, “Food Services and Drinking Places” are still “help

    wanted” areas, with 2,500 new jobs added in November, 2008.

    So if you want to help grow jobs in the Texas economy, especially if you’re a government

    worker, go out and buy some new clothes, steer a shopping cart through your neighborhood

    department store, and take the family out for dinner and drinks. And don’t forget to tip as

    if it was your own salary you were figuring up.

    Beyond these sorts of stopgap subsidies that we can share with each other, there do seem

    to be some healthy fundamentals in the current economic profile in Texas, considering that

    heavy machinery is growing jobs along with education and health services.

    And when you think about all the experience that Texans accrue getting from one end of

    the state to the other, why shouldn’t Texas step up to global leadership in the design,

    management, and manufacture of transportation systems and services? Couldn’t we teach

    ourselves to travel in ways that would prepare us to teach the world?

    Oh, and remember not to shoplift. However, if you can look like you might be shoplifting could it create more jobs for security guards? Check out Grits for Breakfast on the shoplifting rate.

  • Archive: Hutto Protest

    The following item previously appeared in the announcements section of TCRR–gm

    This message is from Antonio Diaz of the Texas Indigenous Council in San Antonio. He and his sisters and brothers have been leaders in the campaign against the TDH immigrant family prison since early in the protests, which began in December, 2006:

    “Native people celebrate death as it is apart of the circle of life, there is no need to fear physical death, the death of innocence on the other hand is a sad thing indeed. We will be going to Taylor on Sat. Nov.1st to recognize the Death of innocence of the Children Detained at T.D.Hutto Prison, Nov.1st is known as “Dia de los Inocentes”.

    “Dia de los Muertos from Nov 1st to Nov 2nd. This loss of innocence due to incarceration because of greed of private prison corporations like Corrections Corp. of America must be addressed and the policy of fear and division that allows for rampant greed to dictate immoral immgration legislation must come to an end. Reinstating the Catch and Release program will be the first step to bringing justice into immigration reform. Join us if you are able 6 to 8 pm in Taylor TX. at T.D.Hutto Res. Ctr. — for more info (210) 396- 9805
    Antonio Diaz”

    T. Don Hutto is at 1001 Welch St., Taylor, TX (map). From Austin, take I-35 north to Round Rock. Exit Hwy 79. Turn right on 79 and drive east to Taylor. Just before you enter Taylor, go right on the 79 bypass (sign says to Rockdale). Take the first left onto S. Edmond St. Edmond ends at Welch. Go right on Welch and you can’t miss the prison.

    Solidarity,

    Leslie Cunningham

    “Las luchas obreras/No tienen fronteras.”

  • MALDEF Secures Landmark Education Victory in Texas

    From the MALDEFian

    Judge orders improvements in programs for English language learners

    AUGUST 14, 2008 – Citing “palpable injustice” a federal court found that the State of Texas is failing to overcome the language barriers faced by tens of thousands of English Language Learner (ELL) students in the State’s public school secondary programs. MALDEF’s victory in United States v. Texas represents the most comprehensive judicial decision concerning the civil rights of ELLs in a quarter century.

    The case was born out of long-standing discrimination against Latino students in Texas schools, which resulted in their inclusion in a 1981 Order that required the State of Texas to, among other things, provide appropriate and effective language educational programs for ELL students. Twenty-five years later, MALDEF and Multicultural Education Training and Advocacy, Inc. (META) filed a Motion under the Modified Order to enforce its terms. MALDEF argued that the State had failed to implement and monitor the bilingual and English as a Second Language (ESL) programs for ELL students in the state, resulting in the denial of equal educational opportunities for those students.

    In July 2007, District Court Judge William Wayne Justice ruled that MALDEF was not entitled to the relief it sought. After MALDEF and META persisted in the case on behalf of ELL students, Judge Justice vacated his earlier ruling in its entirety. Finding that “[s]econdary…students in bilingual education fail terribly under every metric,” he ordered the State to create a language program for ELL secondary students and a monitoring system that met the requirements of the federal Equal Education Opportunity Act.

    This ruling was a tremendous victory for ELL students in a state that has one of the highest percentages of ELLs in the country. In the 2004-05 school year, more than 15 percent of the student population in Texas’ public schools were identified as ELL. Ninety-three percent of those were Hispanic. According to the Texas Education Agency, only 13.1 percent of those students are recent immigrants.

    The education system has significantly failed these students, allowing them to continue to experience the effects of the discrimination that first brought MALDEF to court on their behalf nearly 30 years ago. The court found that not only does the Texas Education Agency under-identify ELL students, but the “achievement standards for intervention are arbitrary and not based upon equal educational opportunity; the failing achievement of higher grades is masked by passing scores of lower grades; and the failure of individual school campuses is masked by only analyzing data on the larger district level.”

    “Failed implementation cannot prolong the existence of a failed program into perpetuity,” the court concluded. Texas now has until January 2009 to come up with a revamped monitoring system that actually measures equal educational opportunities and an improved educational program for secondary ELL students. The new system will be introduced in the 2009-10 school year.

    “This decision gives hope for the future of thousands of young Texans. Its importance cannot be overstated,” said MALDEF Staff Attorney David Hinojosa who, along with META, brought the case on behalf of LULAC and the American GI Forum.

  • TCRR Fall Quarter Retrospective 2008

    Our quarter-year of absence at the Texas Civil Rights Review has coincided with the electoral revolution led by Barack Obama, so we couldn’t be more pleased to have a picked a season during which little more needed to be said.

    Yet the time of absence wasn’t chosen so much as it was delivered with a bundle of priorities that left not a spare minute to type in. At one point, it was only thanks to a delayed airplane that I was able to hammer out a fast note to a contributor. The competing priorities this past quarter were entirely welcomed, so worry not; our energies are well, our spirit intact.

    In the short time I have to write tonight, I’d like to reflect upon what usually goes on here, and why we miss it.

    The Texas Civil Rights Review was founded in 1997 as on online archive dedicated to racial equity in the Land Grant system of higher education in Texas, and, by proxy, across the USA. Thanks to that work in the 1990s some real progress was made for some real people. And as we look forward to Change, please remember Mr. President that equity in the Land Grant system is still possible, still worthy, and perhaps more than ever a timely theater for economic and democratic renewal of ourselves and our posterity.

    After a few years of exile from Texas politics (perhaps not unrelated to our successes in the Land Grant establishment) we returned in 2003 with a hopping mad interest in what had happened to affirmative action policy, and we proudly outed a blue-ribbon report from a Land Grant college committee that recommended affirmative action in admissions. (We still like to call it integration, remember?)

    As Summer turned to Fall in 2004 we covered the trial for public school funding in an Austin District Court, and documented the courageous struggle of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF) to uphold the principles of equitable funding, especially for impoverished Hispanic children.

    On Christmas Eve 2004 we posted our first of many letters from federal prisoner Ramsey Muniz. We still say it would be a righteous act to pardon Ramsey and set him free.

    In the opening months of 2005 we covered the hearings that officially certified the election of Hubert Vo to the Texas House of Representatives. We followed up on the Vo hearings with a massive review of the hearing documents. (Rep. Vo has since been re-elected twice. In 2008 he won a comfortable 56 percent of the vote.)

    In April of 2005 we reported on thousands of pages of documents that we reviewed at the office of the Texas Secretary of State regarding the construction of a statewide voter database that was built to satisfy the so-called Help America Vote Act (VAWA).

    During the summer of 2006 we filed an open records request with the Texas Governor seeking documentation for the deployment of the Texas National Guard to the border with Mexico. We were told there were no documents. Later that year, we followed a rising flood of immigration issues that culminated in the federal roundup of several Palestinian families from the Dallas area who were cruelly treated regardless of age or pregnancy status.

    In 2007 we let fly a few thousand words over the converging issues of immigration injustice in Texas, symbolized by the Hutto family prison and the border wall reflex. If Change means anything, it should make a difference on both of these issues.

    Earlier this year we covered the federal harassment of Albanian refugee Rrustem Neza, who was finally released to live with this wife and children after a year of meaningless imprisonment at Haskell. And we reported on the shocking detention of Bujar Osmani who was nabbed by federal agents while taking a bathroom break at a law office.

    As the summer of 2008 turned into record swelter, we reported the death, the federal documents, and the dreams of Riad Hamad, ebullient champion of Palestinian children.

    In these stories and others, we have been very nearly alone in our commitment to documentation and detail. So yes, there was something to miss when we were absent during the Fall quarter of 2008. If you missed us, you weren’t alone. We kind of missed us too.

    As for the future, we remain realistic. The amount of time devoted to the Texas Civil Rights Review these past five years will not be sustainable, but the reasons for this are good ones. Your editor has not given up or burned out. I’m just busy.

    Whenever I do have a few spare hours, you’ll know it. I’m here. I keep my eyes open. I may be out of the office a lot, but I ain’t giving up the lease. — gm